THE CAMBRIDGE BIBLE
FOR SCHOOLS &: COLLEGES

THE SECOND BOOK OF

SAMUEL

EDITED BY

A.F.KmKPATRICK.M.A.

GENERAL EDITOR

J. J. S.PEROWNE, D.D.

DEAN OF PETERBOROUGH

._!- V-^JL'

JOHN S. McKEE.

Ho Cost...f.P

r- :g 3 - F ?

tihrary of t:he t:heolo0ical ^emmar;p

PRINCETON . NEW JERSEY

PRESENTED BY

Edward Bates Turner

C|)e Camibrttifle MUt (or ^t|)0J3ls
antj Colleges^

THE SECOND BOOK

OF

SAMUEL.

lontion: C. J. CLAY AND SONS,

CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE,

Ave Maria Lane.

Cambrittge: DEIGHTON, BELL, AND CO.
ILeipjig: F. A. BROCKHAUS.

I

.L

Cije Cambvitijje MhU for ^t^ools
anti Collejjes*

General Editor;— J. J. S. PEROWNE, D.D _

Dean of Peterborough. y^Sf^ rnlnQ

^JUN 6 1951
THE SECOND BOOK%

VESICAL St^

OF

SAMUEL,

WITH MAPS, NOTES AND INTRODUCTION

BY THE

REV. A. F. KIRKPATRICK, M.A.,

FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, AND REGIUS
PROFESSOR OF HEBREW IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE.

EDITED FOR THE SYNDICS OF THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.

AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.
1886

\All Rights reserved?^

Etiam quae plana videntur in Scripturis
plena sunt quaestionibus.

HiERONYMUS.

2000 . 9 . 87

PREFACE
BY THE GENERAL EDITOR.

The General Editor of Tlie Cambridge Bible for
Schools thinks it right to say that he does not hold
himself responsible either for the interpretation of
particular passages which the Editors of the several
Books have adopted, or for any opinion on points of
doctrine that they may have expressed. In the New
Testament more especially questions arise of the
deepest theological import, on which the ablest and
most conscientious interpreters have differed and
always will differ. His aim has been in all such
cases to leave each Contributor to the unfettered
exercise of his own judgment, only taking care that
mere controversy should as far as possible be avoided.
He has contented himself chiefly with a careful
revision of the notes, with pointing out omissions, with

PREFACE.

suggesting occasionally a reconsideration of some
question, or a fuller treatment of difficult passages,
and the like.

Beyond this he has not attempted to interfere,
feeling it better that each Commentary should have
its own individual character, and being convinced
that freshness and variety of treatment are more
than a compensation for any lack of uniformity in
the Series.

Deanery, Peterborough.

CONTENTS.

PAGES

I, Introduction.

Chapter I. The Book of Samuel 9 — 17

Chapter II. Analysis of the Second Book of

Samuel 17 — 21

Chapter III. The Relation of the Book of Chroni-
cles to the Book of Samuel 22 — 25

Chapter IV. The Chronology of the Second Book

ofSamuel 25 — 27

Chapter V. The Place of the Books of Samuel in

the History of the Kingdom of God 27 — 32

Chapter VI. The Reign of David 32 — 41

Chapter VII. The Typical Significance of David's

Reign and Life 42 — 45

Chapter VIII. Psalms illustrative of David's Reign 45 — 48

II. Text and Notes 49—232

III. Additional Notes I— VI 233—241

IV, Index 243

Map of the Holy Land to illustrate the

Books of Samuel to face title-page.

Map of the Environs of Jerusalem to face p. 49.

* The Text adopted in this Edition is that of Dr Scrivener's
Cambridge Paragraph Bible. A few variations from the ordi-
nary Text, chiefly in the spelling of certain words, and in the
use of italics, will be noticed. For the principles adopted by
Dr Scrivener as regards the printing of the Text see his Intro-
duction to the Paragraph Bible, published by the Cambridge
University Press.

I HAVE FOUND DAVID MY SERVANT

With my holy oil have I anointed him.
I will give you the sure mercies of David.

HE SHALL be great AND SHALL BE CALLED

The Son of the Most High.
And the Lord God shall give unto HIM
The throne of his father David.

INTRODUCTION.

CHAPTER I.

THE BOOK OF SAMUEL.

I. Titles and Division of the Books. The two Books of
Samuel, like the two Books of Kings, originally formed an un-
divided whole ^, and must be considered as one book for critical
purposes in general introductory remarks. The Septuagint
translators, regarding the Book of Samuel and the Book of
Kings as a complete History of the Kingdom from its founda-
tion to its fall, divided the work into four books, which they
styled Books of the Kingdoms {^i^Xoi ^acrikeiwv). Jerome fol-
lowed this division in the Vulgate, altering the name to Books
of the Kijtgs (Libri Regum), which is retained as an alternative
title in the English Bible. This division was first introduced
into printed Hebrew Bibles by the Venice printer Bomberg in
1518.

2. Meani7tg of the Title. The title Samuel does not denote
authorship, but like the titles Joshua, Ruth, and Esther, com-
memorates the prominent actor in the events recorded in the
book. Its adoption shews a true insight into the connexion of
the history it contains. It stands as a monument of the great-

^ The Masoretic note of the number of verses, &c., appended at the
close of the Second Book in the Hebrew Bible, still treats the two
books as one. Origen (quoted by Euseb. H. E. vi. 25. 3) mentions
that the Jews of his day regarded Samuel as one book.

10 INTRODUCTION.

ness of the Prophet who was Jehovah's instrument for establish-
ing the Kingdom of Israel, and guiding the chosen people
through a crisis in its history second in importance only to the
Exodus. The book begins with the account of his birth : and
his direct influence extends to the close of it, in the reign of
the king whom he anointed as Jehovah's choice.

The Second Book of Samuel must seem a strange title for a
book of which not a line was written by Samuel, and in which
his name is not once mentioned, unless these two considerations
are borne in mind, (i) that the division of the book into two
parts is not original, (2) that Samuel's direct work really reaches
all through the book.

3. Who was the Author of the Book of Samuel? To this
question no answer can be given. A late Jewish tradition
ascribes the authorship to Samuel himself. This obviously
could only apply to the first twenty- four chapters of the First
Book, and as the work forms a connected whole, it is improbable
that these in their present form proceeded from his pen. It is
generally agreed that the Book is a compilation from different
sources, but who was the compiler there is no evidence to shew.

4. What then were these sources ? Ingenious attempts have
been made to analyse the component parts of the book. But
apart from these conjectural theories we have several indications
of the sources from which the compiler drew his materials.

{a) The chief sources were probably contempo7'ary prophetical
histories. The compiler of the Book of Chronicles (probably
Ezra) expressly names as the original authority for the history
of David's reign "the chronicle (lit. words) of Samuel the seer
iroeJi) and the chronicle of Nathan the prophet, and the
chronicle of Gad the seer {ch6zeh)\^^ It has been maintained
that Samuel, Nathan, and Gad were the subjects, not the authors,
of the works referred to. Even if this was so, it is evident that
they contained much valuable material for the history of David's
reign. But the corresponding reference to the original autho-
rities for the history of Solomon's reign in 2 Chron. ix. 29

1 For the distinction between rdeh and chSzeh see note on i Sam.
ix. 9.

INTRODUCTION. ii

(among which the chronicle of Nathan the prophet is again
mentioned), and the constant references to similar prophetic
writings as authorities for the reigns of later kings ^, make it
almost certain that the three prophets mentioned were them-
selves the historians of the period.

It has been also maintained that the works referred to by the ,
compiler of Chronicles actually were the present Book of
Samuel. But it is evident that the document which he was
using contained much more than these books, while at the same
time certain sections of Samuel and Chronicles agree almost
verbally. The most natural conclusion is that both compilers
drew from the same authority, which the Chronicler expressly
names. From this each felt at liberty to select such facts as
bore upon the special object of his work 2.

If then the Book of Samuel was compiled largely from the
chronicles of Samuel, Nathan, and Gad, supplemented by other
records preserved in the Schools of the Prophets, it follows that
it rests upon the best possible authority. Samuel is the historian
of his own life-time, which included the greater part of Saul's
reign : Nathan and Gad together give the history of David's
reign. The events of David's life must have been familiarly
known in the Schools of the Prophets at Ramah. It is expressly
mentioned that when he fled from Saul he "came and told
Samuel all that Saul had done to him, and he and Samuel went
and dwelt in Naioth V the college of prophets which Samuel
had established at Ramah. To this intercourse may be referred
the full and vivid account of David's friendship with Jonathan,
preserved perhaps almost in the very words in which he related
his story to the prophets.

An incidental notice suggests that Gad was the medium of
communication between the college at Ramah and David during

1 To the writings of Shemaiah and Iddo for the reign of Rehoboam
(2 Chron. xii. 15) : to the commentary {midrash) of Iddo for that of
Abijah {1 Chron. xiii. 22). Isaiah is expressly said to have written the
history of Uzziah's reign (2 Chron. xxvi. 22). See also 2 Chron. xx. 34,
xxxii. 32, xxxiii. 18, 19.

2 See further in Ch. ill. of this Introduction.

3 I Sam. xix. 18.

12 INTRODUCTION.

his outlaw life^; both Gad'' and Nathan^ appear to have oc-
cupied official positions in David's court ; and both appear as
his monitors in important crises of his life*. To Nathan we
probably owe the full history of David's sin and repentance,
together with the series of calamities by which it was punished,
which occupies so large a portion of the Second Book : to Gad
may be due the account of the Numbering of the People and
its consequences.

{b) The chronicles of king David (i Chron. xxvii. 24), which
appear from this allusion to have been of the nature of statisti-
cal state-records, may also have been consulted. From them
may have been derived the formal summaries of wars such as
are given in 2 Sam. viii. i — 15, and lists of officials such as
those in 2 Sam. viii. 6 — 18, xx. 23 — 26, xxiii. 8 — 39.

{c) Express mention is made in i Sam. x. 25 of the fact
that Samuel committed to v/riting the charter of the kingdom^
and "laid it up before the Lord," possibly as an addition to the
book of the Law.

{d) The natio7ial poetic literature was laid under contribu-
tion. From this were taken Hannah's song (i Sam. ii. i — 10) ;
David's lament for Abner (2 Sam. iii. 33, 34) ; David's thanks-
giving (2 Sam. xxii. = Ps. xviii.) ; the last words of David
(2 Sam. xxiii. i — 7). Whether these were preserved in writing
or by oral tradition is uncertain : of David's Lament for Saul
and Jonathan it is expressly said that it was written in the "na-
tional anthology" known as the Book of Jashar (2 Sam. i. 18).

{e) Oral traditioii may perhaps have supplied some particu-
lars, though this must be a matter of conjecture.

5. At what date was the couipilation made ?

{a) The language points to an early date. It is pure Hebrew,
free from Aramaisms^ and late forms. Constructions which are
common in the later books, eg. Kings, are comparatively rare.

^ I Sam. xxii. 5. ^2 Sam. xxiv. 11 ; 2 Chron. xxix. 25.

2 2 Sam. vii. 2 ff., xii. 25 ; i Kings i. 8 ff.

4 2 Sam. xii. i ff., xxiv. 11 ff.

^ i.e. grammatical forms and words derived from Aramaic or Chaldee,
a dialect akin to Hebrew, used in eastern Aram (Syria) and Babylonia.
These are, generally speaking, found in later Hebrew.

INTRODUCTION. 13

(J?) Some time however had elapsed since the events narrated
in the book had occurred. The explanation of archaic terms
(i Sam. ix. 9) and reference to obsolete customs (2 Sam. xiii.
18), as well as the use of the formula "unto this day" (i Sam.
V. 5, vi. 18, xxvii. 6, xxx. 25 ; 2 Sam. iv. 3, vi. 8, xviii. 18) indicate
this. Moreover "no grand survey of a period and selection of
its events, such as is demanded from the historian, is generally
possible until the period itself has retired in some degree into
the background ^"

{c) It must certainly have been after the death of David,
since the whole length of his reign is mentioned (2 Sam. v. 5) ;
and if the Septuagint text is correct, there are two allusions to
events in the reign of Rehoboam. In 2 Sam. viii. 7 that version
reads, "And Shishak king of Egypt took them when he came
up against Jerusalem in the days of Rehoboam the son of Solo-
mon:" and in 2 Sam. xiv. 27, "And she [Tamar] became the
wife of Rehoboam the son of Solomon and bare him Abia."

(d) But even if these additions are not accepted as part of
the original text, other indications point to a date not earlier
than the reign of Rehoboam. The mention of "the kings of
Judah" in i Sam. xxvii. 6 presupposes the separation of the
kingdoms. The distinction between Judah and Israel in several
passages ^ has been supposed to point to the same conclusion ;
but this cannot be pressed as evidence. The division which
existed in the early part of David's reign was quite sufficient to
account for it.

{e) On the other hand there is nothing in the book which
points to a later date than this : and the conclusion may fairly
be arrived at that the Book of Samuel was compiled substan-
tially in its present form soon after the Division of the
Kingdoms.

6. The Cajtonicity of the book has never been questioned.
Its acceptance in the Christian Church rests upon the fact that
it formed an integral part of those Jewish Scriptures, which were

^ Ewald, Hist, of Israel^ i. 139.

2 I Sam. xi. 8, xvii. 52, xviii. i6; 2 Sam. ii. 9, 10, iii. 10, v. i — 5,
xix. 41—43, XX. 2.

INTRODUCTION.

received by our Lord and His Apostles as "given by inspiration
of God, and profitable for doctrine, for reproof, for correction,
for instruction in righteousness." Our Lord appealed to one of
the narratives contained in it as teaching the great principle
that the ceremonial law must give way to the law of mercy^:
the Magnificat shews evident familiarity with the Song of
Hannah : St Peter, St Stephen, and St PauP refer to the
history contained in it^.

7. The historical accuracy of the book is remarkably borne
out by the internal evidence. It is not to be denied that diffi-
culties and discrepancies exist, which it is hard, perhaps impos-
sible, to explain or reconcile. But the forcible simplicity and
grace of the narrative ; the vividness with which the actors in
the various events stand out before us ; the minuteness of detail
with regard to time and circumstance ; the accurate descriptions
of places^; all agree to confirm the conclusion arrived at in § 4,
that the greater part of the work is derived from the testimony
of eyewitnesses and contemporaries, and in many cases handed
down to us in their actual words. The apparent inconsistencies
are in fact an evidence that the compiler faithfully embodied the
authorities he consulted, instead of harmonizing them into what
might have seemed a more consistent whole.

8. The text of the book presents some interesting problems.
Our materials for determining the text are :

{a) The Hebrew MSS. most of which are not older than the
tenth and eleventh centuries A.D. They all present substan-
tially the same text. Two points must be mentioned here in
order to explain some of the notes, (i) Hebrew was originally
written without vowels, except such long vowels as are repre-

^ Matt. xii. 3, 4; Mk. ii. 25, 26; Lk. vi. 3, 4. Note the phrase,
"Have ye not read," a regular formula of reference to the Scriptures.

^ Acts iii. 24, vii. 46, xiii. 20 — 22.

^ Add the references to 2 Sam. vii. 12 — 16 in Lk. i. 32, 33; Acts
ii. 30; and to 2 Sam. vii. 14 in Heb. i. 5.

* Remarkably confirmed by the recent surveys of Palestine. See e.g.
the notes on i Sam. xiv. 4, xvii. 3. In 2 Sam. the account of David's
flight from Jerusalem (chaps, xv. 13 — xvi. 14) is the best proof of the
assertions made above.

INTRODUCTION. 15

sented by consonants. The present elaborate vowel system,
stereotyping a traditional pronunciation and reading of the
Old Testament, was not reduced to writing till about the
seventh or eighth century A.D. (2) In some passages the
traditional method of reading (Qri) did not agree with the
consonants of the written text (Kthibh). In such cases the
scribes did not alter the text, but appended a note giving the
consonants to be read with the vowels shewn in the text.

{b) The Versions. Of these the oldest and most valuable
is the Greek Version commonly called THE Septuagint
(Sept. or LXX), or Version of the Seventy Elders, because
it was long believed to have been made by seventy or seventy-
two elders despatched from Jerusalem to Alexandria at the
request of Ptolemy Philadelphus. But the document on which
the story with its embellishments rests is now known to be a
forgery, and all that can be asserted about the origin of the
Septuagint is that it was made (i) at Alexandria, (2) at different
times and by different hands, (3) during the third and second
centuries B.C., (4) before written vowel-points had been added
to the text. The reference in Ecclus. xlvi. 19 to the Sept. ver-
sion of I Sam. xii. 3 (see note there) proves that this part of the
version was in existence before 150 B.C.

The two most important MSS. of the LXX containing the
Book of Samuel are the Alexandrine MS. (denoted by the letter
A) written in the fifth century, and now preserved in the British
Museum ; and the Vatican MS. (denoted by the letter B)
assigned to the fourth century, and preserved in the Vatican
Library at Rome. The text of the former in the Book of
Samuel has been corrected for the most part to agree with the
existing Hebrew text : that of the latter differs considerably
from it, and although disfigured by mistakes, glosses, marginal
notes inserted in the text by ignorant scribes, and similar
defects, appears to preserve evidence for an original text older
and in some places more correct than the existing Hebrew
recension^

^ The most striking variations of the LXX. from the Hebrew text in
2 Samuel will be found in the notes on ch. iv. 6, viii. 7, xiv. 27, xvii. 3.

i6 INTRODUCTION.

That the Hebrew text of Samuel is by no means free
from errors is clear from internal considerations and from
a comparison of the passages which exist in duplicate else-
where^. The principal readings in which the Septuagint differs
from the Hebrew are mentioned in the notes, partly with a view
to the criticism of the text, partly to exhibit the form of the
text which was current in a great part of the Christian Church
for many centuries after its first foundation.

This Version, with all its defects, must be of the greatest
interest : (i) as preserving evidence for the text far more ancient
than the oldest Hebrew MSS. : (2) as the means by which the
Greek language was wedded to Hebrew thought, and the way
prepared for the New Testament : (3) because it is the source
of the great majority of the quotations made from the O. T.
by the writers of the N. T. : (4) because it was the version in
which the O. T. was studied by the fathers of the Eastern
Church, and indirectly by those of the Western, until Jerome's
new translation (the Vulgate) superseded the Old Latin versions
made from the Septuagint.

Next to the Septuagint must be mentioned the Chaldee or
Aramaic Version known as the Targum^ of Jonathan Ben
UzziEL. This was probably not reduced to writing before the
middle of the fourth century A.D., though based on much earlier
oral translations. It is for the most part an accurate version ;
but in some passages it becomes a loose paraphrase, interspersed
with comment, illustration, and fragments of Jewish tradition.
A translation of the Targum of David's Last Words is given
in Additional Note IV., p. 237, as an example of this style of
paraphrase.

Second in importance only to the LXX. is the Vulgate
( Versio vulgata) or Latin Version made by St Jerome (Hiero-
nymus) directly from the Hebrew. This great work was com-
menced by him about the year a.d. 389, when he was already

^ See note 2 on p. 22 for a list of the passages which are common
to Samuel and Chronicles ; and for a discussion of the texts of ch. xxii.
and Ps. xviii. see Additional Note ill., p. 235.

^ Targiim signifies mterpreiation or translation.

INTRODUCTION. 17

sixty years of age, and took fourteen years to complete. The
Books of Samuel and Kings were the part first issued. It is a
valuable evidence for the state of the Hebrew text in the fourth
century, and proves that that text has suffered comparatively
little change since. Many of the variations found in the editions
of the Vulgate are really interpolations from the Old Latin
Version, which as mentioned above was made from the LXX.
Jerome's work "remained for eight centuries the bulwark of
Western Christianity ; and as a monument of ancient linguistic
power the translation of the O. T. stands unrivalled and unique."

CHAPTER II.

ANALYSIS OF THE SECOND BOOK OF SAMUEL.

PART I.

The Reign of David over Judah: i. — iv.

Section i. DaviiTs behaviour on licaring of SauVs death.

(r) Tidings of Saul's death brought to David i. i — 16.

(2) David's lamentation for Saul and Jonathan ...i. 17 — 27.

Section 2. The rival kingdoms.

(i) David anointed king of Judah ii. i — 4.

(2) His message to the men of Jabesh ii. 5 — 7.

(3) Ish-bosheth made king of Israel by Abner ...ii. 8 — 11.

(4) The civil war.

(a) The combat at Glbeon ii. ii — 17.

[h) The death of Asahel ii. iS— 23,

{c) The pursuit ii. 24 — 31.

{d) Asahel's burial ii- S^-

(^) Progress of David's cause iii. i.

(/) His family iii. 2 — 5.

II. SAMUEL 2

i8 INTRODUCTION.

Section 3. Events leading to DavicTs elevation to the throne oj
Israel.

(i) Quarrel between Ahner and Ish-bosheth iii. 6 — 11.

(2) Abner's overtures to David iii. 12 — 21.

Michal restored to David.

(3) Abner murdered by Joab iii. 22 — 27.

(4) David's indignation iii. 28 — 30.

(5) His lamentation for Abner iii. 31 — 39.

(6) Murder of Ish-bosheth iv. i — 7.

(7) Execution of the murderers iv. 8 — 12.

Note {a) David's generosity to enemies : {b) liis patience, and willing-
ness to wait God's time for his elevation : {c) continuous rise of David's
power and declension of Saul's house : {d) disappointment of Abner's
ambitious schemes.

PART II.

The Reign of David over all Israel: v.— xxiv.

Division I. Rise of David's power.

Section i. The Foundation of David's Kingdom at yeriisalein.
(i) His election and anointing v. i — 5.

(2) Jebus captured and made the capital v. 6 — 12.

Alliance with Tyre.

(3) David's family v. 13 — 16.

(4) Philistine opposition overcome v. 17 — 25.

(5) David's care for religion.

(a) Removal of the Ark from Kirjath-

jearim vi. i — 5.

(/;) Uzzah's death vi. 6 — 11.

{c) Removal of the Ark to Jerusalem vi. 12 — 19.

[d) Michal rebuked vi. 20 — 23.

Section 2. The Promise of eternal Dominioji to the house of David.

(i) David's desire to build a temple vii. i— 3.

( 2) The Lord's answer through Nathan vii. 4 — 1 7.

{3) David's prayer and thanksgiving vii. 18 — 29.

INTRODUCTION. 19

Section 3. The Extcnsioii of David's Kingdom.
(i) Foreign conquests.

(fl) Philistines and Moabitcs viii. i, 1.

(^) Zobah and Damascus viii. 3 — S.

(r) Submission of Hamath viii. 9 — 12.

{d) Edom viii. 13, 14.

(2) Internal administration.

David's officers of state viii. 15 — 18.

(3) David's kindness to Mephibosheth ix. i — 13.

Note [a) the silence of the narrative about details of conquest and
national progress : {b) David's zeal for religion : {c) the almost unbroken
prosperity of this period.

Division II. David's Fall and its Punishment : x. — xs.
Section i. The preliminary circtimstances.

(i) David's ambassadors insulted by the Ammo-
nites X. I — 5.

(2) First campaign. Defeat of the Ammonites

and. their Syrian allies x. 6 — 14.

(3) Second, campaign. Total defeat of the Sy-

rians X. r 5 — 19.

(4) Third campaign. Siege of Rabbah xi. i.

Note (a) a full account of these wars is introduced because of their
connexion with David's sin: {b) rapid growth of David's power implied
by such extensive wars.

Section 1. David'' s Fall.

(i) David's adultery with Bath-sheba xi. 2 — 5.

(2) Uriah summoned to Jerusalem xi. 6 — 13.

(3) David's letter to Joab. Uriah's death xi. 14 — 17.

(4) The news brought to David xi. 18 — 25.

(5) Marriage of David and Bath-sheba xi. 26, 27.

Section 3. David's Repentance.

(i) Nathan's parable xii. i — 6.

(2) The King rebuked xii. 7 — 14.

(3) Death of Bath-sheba's child xii. 15 — 23.

(4) Birth of Solomon xii. 24, 25.

(5) Capture of Rabbah xii. 26 — 31.

2 — 2

INTRODUCTION.

Section 4. Fajnily troubles.

■ (i) Amnon's outrage xiii. i — 22.

(2) Absalom's vengeance and flight xlii. 23 — 39.

(3) Recall of Absalom.

(a) Joab's stratagem xiv. i — 20.

{b) Absalom's return xiv. 21 — 24.

(<:) His person and family xiv. 25 — 27.

(<3^) His readmission to the king's presence xiv. 28 — 33.

Section 5. Absalom'' s Rebellion and David's Flight.

(i) Absalom's preparations xv. i — 6.

(2) Outbreak of the rebellion xv. 7 — 12.

(3) David's Flight xv. 13— iS.

(4) Incidents of the Flight.

{a) Ittai's fidelity xv. 19 — 23.

{b) The priests and the Ark xv. 24 — 29.

(r) Hushai's commission xv. 30 — 37.

{d) Ziba's present xvi. i — 4.

(^) Shimei's cursing xvi. 5 — 14.

(5) Absalom's entrance into Jerusalem xvi. 15 — 19.

(6) Events at Jerusalem.

{a) Ahithophel's counsel xvi. 20 — 23.

{b) Hushai's counsel xvii. i — 14.

{c) Hushai's message to David xvii. 15 — 22.

{d) Ahithophel's suicide xvii. 23.

{7) The Civil War.

{a) Progress of the rebellion xvii. 24 — 26.

{b) Reception of David at Mahanaim xvii. 27 — 29.

{c) The battle xviii. 1—8.

(d) The death of Absalom xviii. 9 — 1 8.

{c) The news brought to David. His grief, xviii. 19 — 33.

Section 6. Restoration of David''s antJiority.

(i) David reproved by Joab xix. i — S.

(2) Negotiations for the king's recall xix. 9 — 15.

(3) David's return. Incidents on the journey.

{a) Shimei pardoned xix. 16 — 23.

{b) Meeting with Mephibosheth xix. 24 — 30.

(t) Barzillai's farewell xix. 31 — 40.

(4) Dispute between Judah and Israel xix. 41 — 43.

INTRODUCTION. 21

(5) Sheba's insurrection.

(a) The outbreak xx. i, 2.

David's arrival at Jerusalem xx. 3.

{l>} Pursuit of Sheba. Amasa murdered by

Joab XX. 4 — 13.

(c) Siege of Abel Beth-Maachah. End of

the insurrection xx. 14 — 22.

(6) Officers of state after the restoration xx. 23 — 26.

Note (a) how large a portion of the book is devoted to tracing the
punishment of David's sin: {d) the graphic detail in the narrative of
Absalom's rebellion : (c) David's resignation : {d) the ominous discord
between Judah and Israel.

Division III. Supplementary Appendix: x:d.— xxiv.
Section I. The Famine.

(i) Execution of Saul's sons xxi. i — 10.

(2) Burial of the bones of Saul and his sons xxi. 11 — 14.

Section 2. Heroic exploits in the Philistine wars ...xxi

Section 3. DavicTs Psalm of Thanksgiving xxii.

Section 4. DaviiVs Last Words xxiii. i — 7.

Section 5. DavicTs heroes.

(i) The first Three xxiii. 8—12.

(2) The well of Bethlehem xxiii. 13 — 17.

(3) Abishai and Benaiah xxiii. 18 — 23.

(4) The Thirty xxiii. 24 — 39.

Section 6. DaviTs sin in munbering the people.

(i) The census taken xxiv. i — 9.

(2) Gad sent to offer choice of punishments xxiv. 10 — 14.

(3) The plague xxiv. 15 — 17.

(4) Purchase of Araunah's threshing-floor and

erection of an altar xxiv. 18 — 25.

This appendix forms a general supplement to the history of David's
reign, illustrating {a) God's providential discipline of Israel, by two
national punishments: {b) David's character, by two of his own writings :
{c) the heroic spirit of the age, by the catalogue of his mighty men, and
examples of their valorous exploits.

22 INTRODUCTION.

CHAPTER III.

THE RELATION OF THE BOOK OF CHRONICLES TO THE LOOK
OF SAMUEL.

1. The First Book of the Chronicles contains another history
of David's reign. Many passages are word for word the same
as the corresponding passages in the Book of Samuel i; and
many passages agree in substance, though differing more or
less in detaiP. But much that is contained in Samuel is omitted
in Chronicles, and much of the information in Chronicles is
supplementary to the narrative of Samuel. Neither book is a
complete history of David's reign, each compiler selected irovsi
the materials before him such portions as suited his purpose.
It is important therefore to endeavour to ascertain the principle
of the selection. With this object let us examine the facts.

2. Ouiissioiis in Ch7'oiiicles. The following are the most
important matters contained in Samuel and omitted in
Chronicles :

1 This verbal coincidence is frequently obscured in the E.Vc by dif-
ferent renderings of the same original. Tliis may be partly due to the
fact that the books of Samuel and Chronicles fell to the lot of different
companies of translators (see Dr Westcott's History of the Ejiglish Bible ^
p. 147 ff.) ; but unfortunately the false principle of introducing variety by
different renderings of the same words was deliberately adopted by the
translators of 161 1.

- The parallel sections are as follows :

, I Chr. X. I — 12 = I Sam. xxxi.

„ xi. I — 9 = 2Sam. V. I — 3,6 — 10.

,, xi. 10 — 41 = ,, xxiii. 8 — 39.

,, xiii = ,, vi. 1 — II.

,, xiv — ,, v. II — 25.

,, XV., xvi. (in part only) = ,, vi. 12 — 23.

,, xvii., xviii., xix — ,, vii., viii., x.

,, XX. I — 3 = „ xi. I, xii. 26 — 31.

,, XX. 4 — 8 = ,, xxi. iS — 22.

,, xxi = „ xxiv.

INTRODUCTION.

{a) The history of David's reign at Hebron and the civil war
with the house of Saul (2 Sam. i — iv.).

{b) David's kindness to Mephibosheth (2 Sam. ix.).

{c) David's adultery and its punishment, including the history
of Absalom's rebellion (2 Sam. xi. 2 — 27, xii. i — 25, xiii. — xx.).

{d) The execution of Saul's sons (2 Sam. xxi. i — 14).

{e) David's Thanksgiving and Last Words (2 Sam. xxii.,
xxiii. I — 7).

3. Additions in Chronicles. The following are the most
striking additions in Chronicles to the history contained in
Samuel :

{a) The catalogues of the warriors who joined David at
Ziklag, and of those who came to Hebron to make him king
(i Chr. xii.).

{]?) Elaborate details of the arrangements on the occasion of
the translation of the Ark to Jerusalem (i Chr. xiii. i — 5, xv.,
xvi.).

{c) Many details in the account of the Plague (i Chr. xxi.)-

id) David's preparations for the building of the Temple
(l Chr. xxii.).

{e) The organization of the Priests and Levites, the army,
and the civil service (i Chr. xxiii. — xxvii.).

(/) The assembly of the people at Solomon's accession
(i Chr. xxviii., xxix.).

4. In general then the compiler of the Book of Samuel gives
a history of David's reign with special reference («) to the
vicissitudes through which he was raised by the care and guid-
ance of Jehovah to be the head of a mighty kingdom : {b) to
matters of, comparatively speaking, private interest in his life :
{c) to the chastisements by which he was punished for his sin.
He thus portrays David the man as well as David the King.

The compiler of Chronicles gives prominence {a) to all matters
of religious ceremonial, calhng special attention to the agency
of the Priests and Levites^: {b) to the chief steps in the rise and

1 Tile Levites are only mentioned twice in Samuel (i Sam. vi.
1 Sam. XV. 24), and above thirty times in i Chron. alone.

24 INTRODUCTION.

progress of David's kingdom, omitting the reverses which from
time to time checked its growth.

5. These differences correspond remarkably to the age and
object of the two historians. The unknown compiler of Samuel
was undoubtedly a prophet, and his narrative is penetrated by a
prophetic spirit \ He drew up, no long time after the events, a
narrative of the foundation of the Theocratic Monarchy, selecting
such matter as illustrated God's providential dealings with the
king He had chosen.

6. The Book of Chronicles was written after the Return from
the Captivity. Its author was most probably Ezra, who was
a priest J and his main objects in compihng it were {a) to publish
trustworthy genealogical records with a view to the re-settle-
ment of the land, and the re-establishment of regular services
in the restored temple ; {U) to rekindle something of national
life and spirit, and make the people feel that they vv^ere still the
representatives of the Kingdom of God, and that national
prosperity depended upon faithfulness to Jehovah. With this
design he drew up a compendious history, tracing the fortunes
of the kingdom of David from its foundation, and selecting
especially such passages of the history as present the best kings
engaged in promoting the cause of religion, and regulating the
services of the house of God ; and moreover laying particular
stress upon the direct intervention of God for the reward of
righteousness and the punishment of evil-doing. Its purpose is
didactic rather than historical, and its tone, in accordance with
the profession of its author, /r/Vi-//j/ rather thsin prophetic.

7. Hence the prominence given to religious ceremonial and
Levitical and priestly work in the history of David's reign:
hence the silence with which the darker episodes of that reign
are passed over. The historian must not be accused of un-
faithfulness, or inaccuracy, or prejudice, for adopting such a
method of treatment ; his history does not profess to be complete.

1 Note for example the use of the title "Lord of Hosts," found
thirteen times in Samuel, but only thrice in i Chron., and then in
passages copied from Samuel. See Additional Note i. to i Sam. p. 235.

INTRODUCTION.

and his selection of facts is justified by the special purpose
which he has in view.

Such a review of its past history was well calculated to
quicken the energies of the nation for the new era of its exist-
ence upon which it was entering ; and to us the preservation of
the work is most valuable, presenting as it does another side of
the national life, and adding in no small degree (so far as con-
cerns the period covered by the Second Book of Samuel) to the
completeness and truthfulness of the picture which we can
draw of David's reign, and the lessons which we can derive
from it.

8. It remains to inquire whether the matter common to
Chronicles and Samuel was taken from the latter book, or
derived from the original authorities used by the compiler of
Samuel. The verbal agreement of some sections favours the
first supposition ; but the original authorities for the history of
David's reign were still extant, and are referred to for fuller
information ; and while it seems probable that the compiler of
Chronicles had the Book of Samuel before him, it is clear that
he also drew largely from other sources to which he had access,
in all probability the state records and the prophetical histories
which he mentions by name-^.

CHAPTER IV.

THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE SECOND BOOK OF SAMUEL.

1. The chronology of the Second Book of Samuel is prac-
tically the chronology of David's reign. Unfortunately the
historian has arranged his work according to the subject-matter
rather than the sequence of events, and the definite marks of
time are few and unconnected.

2. The subjoined table is offered as a conjectural arrange-

1 The Chronicles of King David (i Chr. xxvil. 24) and the Chronicles
of Samuel, Nathan, and Gad (i Chr. xxix. 29). See Introd. Ch. i. § 4.

26 INTRODUCTION.

ment of the principal events in David's reign, but the dates
rnust be distinctly understood to be only approximate. The
year of David's accession may be fixed at about B.C. 1055.

Reign of David at Hebron (2 Sam. ii. 11) 1055 — 1*^48

Absalom's birth (?) 1052 or 1050

Reign of Ish-bosheth and civil war (2 Sam. ii. 10) 1050 — 1048

Reign of David at Jerusalem (2 Sam. v. 4, 5) 1048 — 1015

Period of foreign wars (2 Sam. viii.) 1045 — ^^55

in which are to be placed

A period of peace (2 Sam. vii. i),

Mephibosheth's elevation^,

The famine^ (?).

Adultery with Balh-sheba 1035

Amnon's outrage 1034

Absalom's rebellion 1023

Period of tranquillity and steady national growth^ 1023 — 1015

The plagiie (?) i o 1 8

David's death 1015

3. This table is based upon the following considerations :
{a) Solomon was young at his accession^, according to
Josephus {Afif. VIII. 7, 8), only fourteen. The natural inference
from I Chr. iii. 5, where he is placed last of Bath-sheba's four
sons, is that he was the youngest of her children, if not of all
David's sons^ David's adultery with Bath-sheba may therefore
be placed about twenty years before the close of his reign.

(d) Between Amnon's outrage and Absalom's rebellion about
eleven years intervened. Two years passed before Absalom's
revenge (2 Sam. xiii. 23) ; three years were spent by Absalom
at Geshur (ch. xiii. 38); two more at Jerusalem before he was
admitted to David's presence (ch. xiv. 28) ; and four^ in plotting
for his conspiracy (ch. xv. 7). Absalom's rebellion cannot be

1 See preliminaiy note to ch. ix.

^ See note on ch. xxi. i.

^ See Introd. Ch. Vi. § 1 1, p. 37.

'^ I Chr. xxii. 5; i Rings ii. 2, iii. 7.

^ This is distinctly stated by Josephus, AnL VII. 14. 2. It is true
that a different impression is left by 2 Sam. xii. 24, 25; but Hebrew
history not seldom passes over a long interval in silence without a hint
of the intervening events. See a striking example of this in i Chr. xi. i,
where the whole of David's reign at Hebron is thus passed over.

" KtSidmg Jour instead oi forty in ch. xv. 7. See note there.

INTRODUCTION.

placed much less than ten years before the close of David's reign,
for the kingdom had recovered from the shock, and was in such
a condition of prosperity and tranquillity during several years,
that David was tempted by the spirit of pride which induced
him to take the census, and could make extensive preparations
for building the Temple. Nor can it well be placed much
earher, for Absalom was born at Hebron (2 Sam. iii. 3), and
he can hardly have been less than eighteen or twenty when
he killed Amnon.

{c) If this calculation is approximately correct, Amnon's
outrage occurred shortly after David's adultery, and the son's
indulgence of his passions was encouraged by the evil example
of his father's still recent crime. Thus David's punishment
sprang immediately out of his offence, for Amnon's act was
the seed of a long series of calamities.

CHAPTER V.

THE PLACE OF THE BOOKS OF SAMUEL IN THE HISTORY OF
THE KINGDOM OF GOD.

I. The Old Testament differs from ordinary histories (i) in
its subject, because it is the history of the special traming and
discipline of God's chosen people : (2) in its method^ because it
is "a history of facts as God sees them referred to their true
centre in Kim, explained by His dealings with men, and His
workings within them^ :" or, in other words, its writers were
inspired by God the Holy Ghost to discern the true signi-
ficance of events, and to relate such parts of the naiional
history as should truly set forth the gradual evolution of God's
purpose towards His people'-^.

1 Barry's Introduction to the Old Testament, p. 45.

- According to the Jewish arrangement the books of the Old Testa-
ment are divided into three classes: The Law, the Prophets, and the
Writings, a division which is already recognised in the words of the

INTRODUCTION.

2. The Old Testament is the history of a dispensation which
\yas partial, progressive, preparatory. It can only be rightly
understood in view of the great fact to which it looked forward.
It must be studied as the record of the Divine Preparation for
the Incarnation of the Son of God, which is the central event
of the world's history, the hope of all humanity, the final revela-
tion of God to the world^. " It does not simply contain pro-
phecies of Christ : it is from first to last a prophecy of Him."

3. This preparation included three main elements which
must be carefully traced in each successive epoch of Jewish
history : (i) the discipline and training of the chosen nation of
Israel that it might be "the home"" to which in "the fulness
of the times" God might send His Son^ ; and the instrument
by which the knowledge of God might be communicated to the
world at large*: (ii) the gradual development under the various
types of Priest, Prophet, and King, of the expectation of a
Deliverer who should unite in himself all these offices, and be
at once a Mediator, a Teacher, a Monarch : (iii) God's pro-
gressive revelation of Himself, "in many parts and in many
fashions^," that men might at length be enabled to recognise
"the light of the knowledge of the glory of God in the face
of Jesus Christ^'."

We must examine how the period of which the history is
contained in this book contributed to the preparation in each
of these respects.

4. (i) The Book of Samuel is the record of a most critical
epoch in the training of the nation of Israek To understand
its significance a brief survey of their whole history is necessary.

Three great periods must be distinguished in the history of

prologue to Ecclesiasticus (about B.C. 150), "the law, and the prophets,
and the rest of the books," and in Lk. xxiv. 44, "the law of Moses, and
the prophets, and the psalms." It should be remembered that the
so-called "historical books" of Joshua, Judges, Samuel, and Kings
belong to the second group, and are entitled "The Former Prophets."
True history is prophecy.

^ There is a most suggestive sketch of the Preparation for Christianity
in ch. I. of Prof. Westcott's Gospel of the Resurrection.

- John i. II, ets rd Ihia. ^ Gal. iv. 4.

4 John iv. 22. ^ Heb. i. i. ^ 2 Cor, iv. 6.

INTRODUCTION. 29

Israel ; the Theocracy, the Monarchy, the Hierarchy ; corre-
sponding in some degree to the three divisions of the Old
Testament, the Law, the Prophets, the Writings.

(a) The Theocracy. The history of the Jewish nation begins
with Abraham, the friend of God, the father of the faithful,
" the ancestor of all nations which have held a monotheistic
belief practically." With him and with his family was made
the first covenant of promise. In Egypt the family became a
nation. The stern discipline of toil and suffering in the presence
of their common enemy bound them together. The great signs
and wonders of the Exodus .declared their high destiny. At
Sinai the covenant made with their forefathers was renewed,
confirmed, and amplified to the nation. The Law was given as
a schoolmaster for the childhood of the new-born nation, " a
kind of external conscience" to train it to obedience. The
Israelites entered Canaan, and the first part of the promise to
Abraham was fulfilled.

But for a long time the nation seemed to make no progress.
The period which intervened between the Entry into Canaan
and the Life of Samuel was a time of anarchy and apostasy.
The Book of Judges is a record of two centuries of national
disintegration and religious declension. It was necessary,
humanly speaking, in order that they might learn their weak-
ness. They were unable as yet to bear the pure Theocracy, the
direct government of God without the intervention of an earthly
ruler. Some visible bond must be found to unite into a solid
mass the scattered tribes which could not as yet be firmly bound
together into one by the invisible tie of a common allegiance
to Jehovah. Material and political means must prepare the
way for the spiritual and religious end. Otherwise the nation
must cease to exist, ground to pieces between the enemies which
surrounded it on all sides. In order to make solid advance,
retrogression was inevitable.

At this critical juncture God raised up Samuel, " a prophet
second only to Moses," to guide the nation through this crisis
in its existence, and effect the transition to the second stage of
its education.

INTRODUCTION.

{b) The Monarchy. The sovereignty of a visible monarch
was a declension from the ideal of the Theocracy^ Yet a king
might have been given by God in His own time as a necessary
factor in the training of the nation. But the demand for a king,
as made by the Israelites at this period, was the direct outcome
of faithlessness. It was a defection from God. Nevertheless
the request was granted. God first gave them a king according
to their own ideal, that bitter experience might teach them
lessons they would not otherwise learn : and then a king " after
His own heart," a true representative of the Kingdom of God.
In his hands such a monarchy as we may conceive might have
been asked for without sin, fulfilled important purposes by
consolidating the scattered tribes into a body strong enough
to maintain its independence, thus saving the nation from
destruction, and preserving it to fulfil its great destiny of bless-
ing to the world.

if) The Hierarchy at length took the place of the Monarchy
and resumed the ideal of Theocracy. When the Kingdom fell,
and the disciphne of the Captivity had done its work, "the unity
of a Church succeeded to the unity of a nation." The voice of
prophecy ceased. In the absence of new revelations, the people
pondered on the past, till at length " the tmie was fulfilled, and
the Kingdom of God came."

5. (ii) In what respects did the period we have to study
contribute to the formation and development of the Messianic
expectation ? The Law with its elaborate ritual of sacrifice had
pointed forward to One who should be at once Priest and
Victim, and make atonement for the sin of man. Now the
Kingdom turned the national thoughts to the hope of a King
who should reign in righteousness, and "have dominion from
sea to sea, and from the river unto the ends of the earth^."
The kingdom of David and Solomon was a type of the kingdom
of that Son of David to whom in the fulness of time was given
in a spiritual reality the throne of His father David^. It is in

1 Ps. Ixxii. 7, 8. Psalms ii., xlv., Ixxii., ex. should be studied as il-
lustrating the growth of the Messianic Hope in connexion with the
Kingdom. 2 l]^^ j, ^2, 33.

INTRODUCTION. 31

the Book of Samuel that the title of Messiah, the Lords
Anointed, the Christ, is first applied to the king^, whose visible
majesty kindled prophetic hopes of a glorious future 2.

6. (iii) It remains to inquire how God's revelation of Him-
self was carried forward in this period.

(a) One result of the establishment of the kingdom was the
building of the Temple. As the king was the visible represen-
tative of the Divine government, so the centralised sanctuary
testified to the unity of Him whom Israel worshipped, and both
combined to present spiritual ideas in a fixed and definite shape.
Monotheism was not, as has sometimes been wrongly said, an
instinct of the Semitic races. The repeated idolatries of the
Jewish nation prove the contrary. Only through long discipline
and with constant relapses was the lesson learnt. The period of
the Monarchy taught this truth in a visible and material
manner, and when once learnt it was afterwards spiritualised
by the destruction of the visible Monarchy and the discipline of
the Captivity.

(d) Closely connected with the establishment of the Monarchy
was the institution of the Prophetic Order. This was Samuel's
second great legacy to his nation. By the agency of the pro-
phets the Will of Jehovah was made known to men ; new
revelations of His character and His claims were communi-
cated ; the spiritual meaning of the Law was interpreted 3.

(c) In this period was deepened the consciousness of the
individual's personal relation to God. The intimate communing
with Him in prayer and praise, which is characteristic of the
Psalms of David, marks a new advance in the relation of man
to God. Now was laid the foundation of that Psalter in Avhich
for all succeeding time, men have found the expression and the
echo of their deepest thoughts and highest aspirations.

1 I Sam. ii. 10, where the Septuagint has xP'^t'os- The same word
in both Heb. and LXX. is applied to the high-priest in Lev. iv. 5, 16,
vi. 22.

2 The typical character of David's reign and life is discussed in
Ch. VII. of this Inti-odtiction, See also Additional Note i., p. ii^.

^ See Introd. to i Samuel, ch. vi.

33 INTRODUCTION.

7. To sum up briefly, the Monarchy preserved the existence
of the nation, foreshadowed the kingdom of the Messiah, wit-
nessed to the government of God. At the same time Prophecy
and Psalmody interpreted the past, spiritualised the present,
stimulated hope for the future.

CHAPTER VI.

THE REIGN OF DAVID.

1. The First Book of Samuel brings the history of David's
life down to the close of that period of preparatory discipline by
which he was divinely educated for his high destiny 1. The
quiet life in the home at Bethlehem, the novel duties and temp-
tations of Saul's court, the manifold hardships and perils of
exile, had done their work, and moulded the lines of that many-
sided character with an ineffaceable impress. As shepherd he
had acquired the spirit of calm thought and deep reflexion ;
as courtier he had been trained in prudent self-control and
chivalrous generosity ; as outlaw he had learned quick sympathy
with the oppressed, knowledge of men, and power of govern-
ment ; and above all, each successive phase of experience had
quickened and developed that conscious dependence upon God
which was the fundamental secret of his strength throughout his
life. Step by step he had been led forward, steadily refusing to
take the shaping of his career into his own hands by deeds of
violence^, and "committing his way unto the LORD," in the full
assurance that "He would bring it to passV

2. The Second Book of Samuel contains the histoiy of
David's reign. When the discipline of his early life was com-
plete, the death of Saul opened his way to the throne. The task
before him was immense. Internal disorganization consequent
upon the misrule of Saul's later years : the jealousy of the

^ See Introd. to i Samuel, chap. viii.

- I Sam. xxvi. 10. 2 pg^ xxxvli. 5.

INTRODUCTION. 33

partisans of the old dynasty : the antagonism of conflicting
interests among the different tribes ; a country overrun with
victorious and powerful enemies ; the certain prospect that any
vigorous attempt to consolidate the kingdom would excite the
hostility of foreign enemies — these were some of the difficulties
which met him at the outset. And if these obstacles were suc-
cessfully overcome, and he became the acknowledged sovereign
of a united and powerful nation, the trial to his own character
could not fail to be severe. Would he continue to be, as the
essential nature of the Theocratic Monarchy demanded that
he should be, the faithful "servant of Jehovah," the obedient
instrument of His Will; or would he, like Saul, assume an
attitude of autocratic independence, and fall by the sin of
pride and self-reliance.''

3. From such difficulties a weaker man might well have
shrunk. But David was a born ruler of men. In his well-knit,
sinewy frame, insensible to hardship, incapable of fatigue, he
possessed the indispensable pre-requisite for a warrior-king^:
but higher qualifications than these were the innate aptitude
for governing which was early displayed in his control of the
wild spirits who gathered round him in his outlaw life ; the
fearless courage which had characterised him from his earliest
days - ; and the singular power which he possessed of inspiring
enthusiastic devotion in his followers': and the highest qualifi-
cation of all was his firm trust and unshaken dependence upon
God, coupled with the consciousness of a divine commission,
which led him in each crisis to "wait patiently upon God," in
the confident expectation of divine guidance^.

4. There are two clearly marked periods in the history of
David's reign. During the first he reigned over Judah in
Hebron, and during the second over all Israel in Jerusalem.
His reign over Israel in Jerusalem is no less clearly divided

^ Observe how he regards this as the gift of God and gives thanks
for it accordingly in 2 Sam. xxii. 34 ff.
2 I Sam. xvii. 34.

^ I Sam. xviii. 5, 16; 2 Sam. xxiii. 15 fF.
* See Ewald's I/tst. of Israel ^ iii. 60.

II. SAMUEL 3

34 INTRODUCTION.

into two periods in the view of the sacred historian, by the great
sin which cast its fatal shadow over the later years of his
life.

But the author of Samuel does not aim at giving a complete
or chronological history of David's reign. Considerable portions
of it, and many events of interest and importance, are passed
over in silence, or with the barest passing reference.

5. (i) David^s reign at Hebron. The first five out of the
seven and a half years during which David was king of Judah
only are almost a blank in the history. Northern Palestine was
occupied by the Philistines after the battle of Gilboa : the ad-
herents of Saul's house estabhshed themselves in the Trans-
Jordanic provinces : David quietly devoted himself to con-
solidating his little kingdom of Judah. His family grew, and
some intercourse with foreign countries is indicated by his
matrimonial alliance with the daughter of a petty Syrian king,
Talmai of Geshur. It was not until Abner had succeeded in
repulsing the Philistines, and re-organizing the disintegrated
northern tribes, and had placed Ish-bosheth on the throne of
Israel, that the two kingdoms came into collision. For two
years a desultory civil war was waged, until at length the de-
fection of Abner destroyed the last hopes of the house of Saul.
His treacherous murder by Joab delayed the transference of the
kingdom of Israel to David for a brief space only. Ish-bosheth's
assassination shortly after removed the remaining excuse which
the northern tribes had for holding aloof from David. There
was one man, and one only, who was capable of saving the
nation in this crisis. The representatives of all Israel came to
Hebron and unanimously offered the crown to him who had
been designated twenty years before as the King of Jehovah's
choice, and in all the vicissitudes of those twenty years had
proved his worthiness for that position. A national assembly
was held with general rejoicings, David was anointed for the
third time, and a solemn covenant concluded between him and
his subjects.

6. (ii) David's reign at Jerusalem^ (a) be/ore /lis fait. The
first important undertaking of the new king was the capture of

INTRODUCTION. 35

Jebus. Here he fixed his capital, and hither, as soon as circum-
stances permitted, he transferred the Ark. Jerusalem thus
became the sanctuary as well as the capital of the kingdom.
This union of the political and religious centres inaugurated
a new epoch in the nation's history. It was a visible realisation
of the true principle of the Theocratic Monarchy. The day on
which he welcomed the Ark into Zion, his own city, as a very
Advent of Jehovah to dwell in the midst of His people, was the
greatest day of David's life. From that day dates the beginning
of the sanctity of " the Holy City," round which so many sacred
associations cluster, and which has become the earthly type of
heaven.

7. In this first period of his reign are most probably to be
placed the great foreign wars by which he established his do-
minion on a secure basis. Philistines, Moabites, Ammonites,
Amalekites, Edomites, Syrians up to the very banks of the
Euphrates, submitted to his irresistible advance. The powerful
kingdom of Tyre became his ally : Hamath voluntarily placed
itself under his protectorate. It was no lust for conquest which
led him into these wars : they were forced upon him by the ne-
cessities of his position in the struggle for national existence.
No nation between the Mediterranean and the Euphrates could
acquiesce in Israel's rapidly increasing power without some
attempt to crush so dangerous a rival.

8. One brief interval of complete peace during this period
allowed him to turn his attention to the cherished wish of his
life, the plan of building a worthy Temple for Jehovah. Though
he was not permitted to carry it out himself, he received a rich
compensation in the marvellous prophecy of Nathan, by which
an eternal dominion was promised to his house, and an assurance
given that his own son should carry out the plan for which the
fitting time had not yet fully come.

9. With the exception of the first failure to bring up the Ark
to Jerusalem, and some temporary reverses in the field of battle S
only one great calamity, so far as we know, interrupted the rapid

^ Ps. Ix., title. See note on ch. viii. i^.

36 INTRODUCTION.

advance of prosperity during this period. Three years of famine,
the punishment of Saul's breach of faith with the Gibeonites,
-taught Israel to reverence the sanctity of national oaths and
treaties.

lo. (/3) David's reign after his fall. The second period
of David's reign at Jerusalem opens with his great sin. From
that sin dates the commencement of the great troubles of his
life. The nation indeed does not seem to have suffered in its
relations with foreign powers ; but a series of calamities, partly
involving the whole nation, partly affecting his own family
only, embittered much of the last twenty years of David's reign.

His adultery with Bath-sheba, and his murder of Uriah, were
dark blots upon his character. The sin was pardoned, but it
could not be left unpunished. And the punishment came from
the same source as the sin.

"The gods are just, and of our pleasant vices
Make instruments to plague us^."

The curse of polygamy, permitted indeed but discountenanced
by the Mosaic law, bore its natural fruit in the quarrels of sons,
whom a mistaken affection had treated with foolish indulgence.
Amnon's outrage, Absalom's revenge, his insurrection and wretched
death, with all the miseries of civil war — these are the events
which fill the pages of the history.

There are sufficient reasons to account for the temporary
success of Absalom's rebelHon, without accusing David of having
alienated the affections of his people by misgovernment and
neglect of his duties. The personal popularity of Absalom, sup-
ported by the dissatisfaction of the tribe of Judah at the loss of
its special preeminence, " the still lingering hopes of the house
of Saul and of the tribe of Benjamin, and the deep-rooted feehng
of Ephraim and the northern tribes against Judah V forces really
antagonistic to one another, were combined for the moment in
an attempt to overthrow David's authority. With Absalom's
death the first of these elements was extinguished, but the two

^ King Lear., A. V. So. iii. 170.
2 Stanley's Led. 11. 107.

INTRODUCTION. 37

latter blazed out again in the insurrection headed by Sheba,
which nearly anticipated by half a century the Disruption of the
Kingdoms. The danger was averted for the time by Joab's
promptitude, but it shewed sufficiently the instability of the
foundations upon which David had to build up his kingdom.

11. The impression produced by the record of David's
reign in the Book of Samuel is that its latter years were a
period of almost unreheved disaster. The prophet-author is
dwelling on the consequences of David's sins, and therefore
gives prominence to the calamities Avhich punished them. But
this impression needs to be corrected. The closing period of
David's reign, after the suppression of Absalom's rebellion, must
have been on the whole a time of steady growth and prosperity
for the nation. Otherwise it could not have laid the firm
foundation which it did for the unparalleled splendour of Solo-
mon's reign. Administrative improvements, religious organiza-
tion, preparations for building the Temple, occupied David, and
were so successfully carried out, that Solomon succeeded to
unchallenged empire, and was able at once to proceed with the
building of the Temple.

12. One great calamity indeed cast its shadow over the
tranquillity of this period. Infatuated for a moment by a spirit
of ambition and pride, which represented, it seems, a corre-
sponding spirit in the nation at large, David ordered a census
to be taken. The chastisement of pestilence rebuked both king
and nation for their error,

13. Here the compiler of the Book of Samuel ends his
narrative, and rightly so. The remaining scenes of David's
life are the prelude to the reign of Solomon. The preparations
for the building of the Temple, the rebellion of Adonijah, the
king's parting charge to Solomon, are fitly placed at the be-
ginning of the new era rather than at the close of the old.

14. After thus briefly indicating the salient points of the
history of David's reign, it remains to give some account of his
organization of the kingdom.

{a) Military organizatioji. The " Host," or main body of
the army, consisted of all the men of age for military service.

38 INTRODUCTION.

The whole of this body was only called out in case of necessity,
and received no special training. In order therefore to secure
an effective army, David formed a national militia of twelve
regiments, each twelve thousand strong. Each of them had
its general, and was called out for a month's training in the
year^ Besides this militia, there was a body-guard constantly
under arms, known as "the Cherethites and PelethitesV and
a regiment of picked troops called the Gibborhn or Heroes,
which was always maintained at the number of Six Hundred,
in memory of the days of David's wanderings 3. Special
prowess was rewarded by admission to a band of Thirty^, an
honour comparable to that of knighthood ; and exceptional
deeds of daring had raised six warriors to a yet higher distinc-
tion, as "The First Three" and "The Second Three V Su-
preme above all was Joab, the " Captain of the Host," second
in power only to the king himself, unequalled as a warrior and
indispensable to David.

{b) Civil o7'gaiiizatioii. The rapid development of the king-
dom necessitated careful arrangements for the administration of
the state. The principal civil officers of the king's court were
the Counsellor, the Recorder or Remembrancer, the Scribe or
Secretary of State, the King's Companion or Friend, and, in the
later years of his reign, the Superintendent of the Levy^.
These, together with the king's sons, who had the title of
" Ministers V' the two High-priests, the Commander-in-chief of
the army, and the Captain of the body-guard, formed the king's
privy counciL

The management of the crown estates and revenues was
entrusted to a number of officers stationed in different parts of
the kingdom^: the maintenance of law and order was committed
to a numerous body of magistrates and judges 9: each tribe was
placed under the government of a prince or ruler ^°. Thus far

1 I Chi'on. xxvii. i — 15. ^ See note on ch. viii. 18.

2 See note on ch. xv. 18. ^ 2 Sam. xxiii. 24 — 39.
5 See 2 Sam. xxiii. 8 fF., and note on v, 13.

^ See 2 Sam. viii. 16 — 18, xx. 23 — 26, and notes there.

7 See note on ch. viii. 18. ** i Chr. xxvii. 25 — 31.

9 I Chr. xxvi. 29 — 32. -^"^ i Chr. xxvii. 16 — 22.

INTRODUCTION. 39

the scanty notices preserved in Chronicles indicate the existence
of a thorough system of internal administration, though they do
not enable us to determine its details.

{c) Religious organization. Religious institutions, no less
than secular administration, occupied the care of David. He
was himself the head and leader in religious movements^,
realising thereby the true ideal of the theocratic king, in com-
plete contrast Avith Saul's antagonism to both prophets and
priesthood. Gad "the Seer" and Nathan "the Prophet" were
his confidential advisers : the two priests, Zadok and Abiathar-,
were among his most honoured counsellors. The Priests and
Levites were classified, and told off for the performance of
various duties "in the service of the house of the LORD^;"
some were trained as singers and musicians under the leader-
ship of Asaph, Heman, and Jeduthun^; others had the duty of
watching the gates assigned to them^; others again were con-
stituted guardians of the treasury ^ These more elaborate
arrangements were made in the later years of David's reign, in
connexion with his preparations for the Temple.

15. The main results of David's reign may be briefly summed
up as follows, {a) He consolidated the tribes into a nation,
binding together the discordant elements of which it was com-
posed into a vigorous unity, not without struggles and opposi-
tion. Short as was the duration of this unity, it gave a new
strength and new aspirations to Israel, {li) By his conquests
he secured to Israel the undisputed possession of its country,
thereby ensuring the free field which was indispensable for the
expansion and development of the nation, and through it of the
true Religion which had been entrusted to its guardianship.
In these two points Saul had to some extent anticipated him,
and made his success possible, {c) But the noblest result of
David's work was the harmonious union of all the highest in-
fluences for good which were at work in the nation. For once

* See 1 Sam. vi. i — 19, with the parallel passages in i Chron.

"^ See Introductory note to ch. vi.

2 I Chr. xxiii., xxiv. ^ r Chr. xxv.

^ I Chr. xxvi. i — 19. ^ i Chr. xxvi. 10 — :S.

40 INTRODUCTION.

the religious and the secular powers acted in perfect coopera-
tion, each contributing to the other's efficiency. The Theocratic
"Monarchy was to be no absolute despotism. Its king was the
representative of Jehovah, and his power was limited by this
relation. He must therefore act in obedience to the Will of
Jehovah, communicated to him through the prophets. This
was the ideal for which Samuel laboured. Saul was rejected for
his proud endeavour to assert his ovm independence. David,
though not without lapses and failures, on the whole realised
the ideal, and was Israel's greatest, because truest, king, {d)
Consequently, as will be seen further presently (Introd. Ch. vil.),
his reign was always looked back to as the golden age of the
nation, the type of a still more glorious age to which the
national hope looked forward as the crown and consummation
of its destiny.

Himself a warrior, he led the nation to victory; himself a
prophet, and the pupil of one of the greatest of the prophets, he
sympathised with the prophetic work, and yielded himself,
without losing his royal dignity, to prophetic guidance ; himself,
though not by descent a priest, performing priestly functions,
he was the patron of the hierarchy ; and thus for a brief space,
all the strongest and noblest powers of the nation were brought
into harmony, and full scope given to their influences.

i6. It remains to speak of David's character. "In the com-
plexity of its elements, passion, tenderness, generosity, fierce-
ness— the soldier, the shepherd, the poet, the statesman, the
priest, the prophet, the king — the romantic friend, the chivalrous
leader, the devoted father — there is no character of the O. T.
at all to be compared to that of David ^" It was this many-
sidedness of character, combined with the variety of experience
through which he passed, which has made his Psalms a manual
of devotion for minds of every character and of every age.
Rich and varied as are the tones of the many voices which
combine to form the Psalter, they are scarcely more rich and
varied than the tones of the single voice of him who was its

^ Dean Stanley in Smith's Did. of the Bible.

INTRODUCTION. 41

Founder; passing as they do through every variation of jubilant
praise and thanksgiving, unshaken trust in God, keenest suffer-
ing, bitter sorrow for sin, heartfelt repentance.

Men have wondered that the man who fell into such grievous
sins should be called "the man after God's own heart," and
regarded as the greatest king of Israel. His crimes were those
of many an Oriental despot : but the sequel of those crimes —
the earnest repentance, the prayer for renewal, the discipline of
years by which the blessing of "a clean heart" and "a right
spirit" was realised' — could have occurred nowhere but under
the influence of true divine teaching. The whole matter is ex-
cellently summed up by "a critic not too indulgent to sacred
characters" in an often, but not too often, quoted passage :
"David, the Hebrew King, had fallen into sins enough: blackest
crimes : there was no want of sins. And thereupon the un-
believers sneer and ask, 'Is this your man according to God's
heart?' The sneer, I must say, seems to me but a shallow one.
What are faults? what are the outward details of a life, if the
inner secret of it, the remorse, temptations, true, often baffled,
never ended, struggle of it be forgotten ?... David's life and
history, as written for us in those Psalms of his, I consider to be
the truest emblem ever given of a man's moral progress and
warfare here below. All earnest souls will recognise in it the
faithful struggle of an earnest human soul towards what is good
and best. Struggle often baffled, sore baffled, down as into
entire wreck ; yet a struggle never ended ; ever with tears,
repentance, true unconquerable purpose, begun anew 2."

^ See Maurice's Prophets and Kings, p. 66.
2 Carlyle's Heroes and Hero-worship, p. 43.

INTRODUCTION.

CHAPTER VII.

THE TYPICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF DAVID'S REIGN AND LIFE.

1. The whole of the Jewish dispensation was designed by
God to be a preparation for the coming of Christ i. Many of its
institutions, ordinances, events, and characters, were typical:
that is to say, they were intended to be as it were outlines
drawn beforehand to prefigure and foreshadow Christ, and to
prepare men's minds to expect His coming.

2. The Kingdom of God in Israel was typical of the King-
dom of God afterwards to be established in the world ; and the
King of Israel was typical of Christ, the King of that universal
kingdom. The characteristics of his office, as interpreted by a
succession of prophets, led men to look for One who should
perfectly realise the ideal, which had been imperfectly realised
by the best of their human kings 2.

3. The Theocratic King^ was typical of Christ in the follow-
ing respects :

(i) His distinctive title was "the Lord's Anointed:" and
under this very title men were led to look for the coming
Deliverer as the Messiah or the Christ^ (Lk. ii. 26; John
iv. 25.)

(2) He was the visible representative of Jehovah, who was
Himself the true King of Israel ; the instrument of the Divine
government, through whom He dispensed deliverance, help,

^ See Introd. Ch. V.

" See Riehm's Messianic Prophecy, p. 59 ff.

^ The ideal form of government for Israel was a Theocracy, or direct
government by God without any human ruler (see Ch. v. § 4). Theo-
cratic King is a convenient term to describe the true position of the
King of Israel as God's vicegerent, ruling a kingdom which was not his
own but God's. See the strong expressions of i Chr. xxviii. 5, xxix. 23.

* The Heb. word for "the Anointed One" is Mdshiach, which was
transliterated in Greek as Mecrcrtas or Messiah, and translated by d
Xpicrros, the Anointed One, the Christ,

INTRODUCTION. 43

and blessing. He would therefore be a conquering king, before
whom no enemies could stand, if he was true to his calling^
So Christ came as the representative of God, with supreme
authority in earth, delegated to Him by His Father, and des-
tined finally to conquer all His enemies".

(3) His will was therefore to be in perfect harmony with the
will of God ; and his kingdom would be, in proportion as it
realised its purpose, a kingdom of righteousness and peace^ ;
foreshadowing imperfectly what was never perfectly accom-
plished except by Christ^.

(4) In virtue of this intimate relation to God he received the
lofty title of God's Son^, a title given to no other individual,
signifying God's parental care over him, and the fiHal obedience
due from him to God. This title is a most striking anticipation
of the mysterious relationship of Christ to God.

(5) He was not only the representative of God to his people,
but as the head of his people, he was their representative before
God. So Christ as the Son of man, the second Adam, is the
representative of the human race.

(6) As the head of a kingdom of priests (Ex. xix. 6), he had
a priestly character^, although he did not exercise all priestly
functions. In this also he was a type of Christ, the "High-
priest over the house of God" (Heb. x. 21).

(7) He was not only to be ruler of Israel, but "head of the
heathen"," prefiguring the universal dominion of Christ.

4. In these respects any king of Israel, who at all fulfilled
his office, was to some extent a type of Christ ; and David,

1 2 Sam. vii. 9, 10; Ps. Ixxxix. 22, 23.

2 John i. iS; Matt, xxviii. 18; i Cor. xv. 24, 25.

2 See note on 2 Sam. xxiii. 3; and cp. Ps. kxii. i — 7; Ps. ci.

^ Ps. xl. 7, 8; John iv. 34.

5 2 Sam. vii. 14, note; Ps. ii. 7, Ixxxix. 26, 27; Acts' xiii. 33; Heb.

i. 5-

«5 This is sometimes questioned, but was certainly the case at least with
David and Solomon. David wore priestly garments, and both he and
Solomon dispensed priestly blessings, and claimed the right to appoint
and depose high-priests (2 Sam. vi. 14, 18, viii. 17; i Kings ii. 27, viii.
14, 55). Cp. also Ps. ex. 4.

7 2 Sam. xxii. 44; Ps. Ixxii. 8 — 11.

44 INTRODUCTION.

because he was the truest example of a king after God's own
heart, was the most prominent and striking type of Christ
among them. Da.vid however was a type in some respects in
which his successors were not.

(i) He was not only King and Priest, but Prophet also^,
thus uniting in his own person the threefold character of
Christ.

(2) He received the special title of "the servant of Jehovah,"
given only to a few who were raised up to do special work, such
as Moses the Lawgiver, and Joshua the Conqueror of the Pro-
mised Land. This was a distinctive title of Christ^.

(3) His birth-place determined the birth-place of the Messiah,
whose birth at Bethlehem was brought about by a remarkable
providence^.

5. For these reasons the expected Deliverer was sometimes
styled not merely the Son of David, in accordance with the
prophecy in 2 Sam. vii., but David^. No name could be more
appropriate for the ideal ruler of the future than that of the
king who had most nearly attained to the ideal in the past.

6. But further, an examination of the quotations from the
O. T. applied to Christ in the N. T. establishes the principle
that the lives of the saints under the Old Covenant were typical
of Chi'ist. They were anticipations, as the lives of saints since
Christ came have been imitations, of His life. Their struggles,
their sufferings, their teachings, their aspirations, pointed for-
ward to Christ, and were "fulfilled" in Him. That which was
partially exemplified in them was completely exhibited in Him.
Consequently "the Christian Church from the earliest times has
delighted to read in the Psalms the emotions, the devotions, the
life, of Christ Himself^"

David, more than any other single individual, was a type, an
anticipatory likeness, of Christ the Perfect Man. In the fervency

^ 1 Sam. xxiii. i ff.

2 See Matt. xii. 18; Acts iii. 13, 26 {Rev, Version)-, Is. liii. 11, &c.

^ Micah V. 2 ; Matt. ii. 6 ; John vii. 42.

^ See Hos. iii. 5; Jer. xxx. 9; Ezek. xxxiv. 23, 24, xxxvii. 24, 25.

^ Stanley's Led, ii. 134.

INTRODUCTION. 45

of his aspirations, in the closeness of his communion with God,
in the firmness of his trust, in the strength of his love, he
was unrivalled by any human character of the Old Testament.
No man ever "touched humanity at so many points;" and the
manysidedness of his character, and the variety of his ex-
perience, which qualified him for practical sympathy with all
ranks and all conditions of life among his subjects, made him
again a type of Him whom "it behoved in all things to be made
like unto his brethren 1." He w^as an eminent example of the
spiritual capability of the human soul as a recipient of divine
illumination, preparing the way for the highest Example of all.

7. In these respects, both as king and as man, David was
an undoubted type of Christ. Many other striking correspon-
dences between him and the antitype whom he prefigured may
be noted ; for example, his occupation as shepherd, first of his
flock, and then of IsraeP: his persecution by enemies, and
elevation to reign through many sufferings and trials : the mis-
understandings and scorn he met with from his own relations :
his betrayal by one who had been admitted to his closest con-
fidence, and so forth : but though these analogies are most
interesting and instructive, it may be questioned whether they
can strictly speaking be called typical.

CHAPTER VIII.

PSALMS ILLUSTRATIVE OF DAVID'S REIGNS •

I. Of the Psalms ascribed to David by their titles many
were in all probability not written by him ; and of those in the
case of which there is no reasonable ground for doubting the

1 Heb. ii. 17, 18, iv. 15.

2 See note on 2 Sam. V. 2; and cp. Ezek. xxxiv. 23; Micah v. 4;
John X. 1 1 .

2 I Sam. xvii. 28; Mk. iii. 21 ; John vii. 3 — 5.

* This subject is most interestingly treated by Dr Maclaren in The
Life of David as reflected in his Psalms. See also Lecture xxv. in Dean
Stanley's LecUires.

46 INTRODUCTION.

accuracy of the title a large proportion cannot be connected
with any definite event or particular period of his life. Those
"however which either by their titles, corroborated by their con-
tents, or from internal evidence, can be assigned to particular
epochs of his life, are most valuable additions to the history,
and should be carefully studied in connexion with it.

2. (i) The Translation of the Ark to Jerusalem called forth
a series of Psalms, first among w^hich is Ps. ci. It expresses
the high resolves and aspirations for the purity of his kingdom
and his court which filled David's mind when he was meditating
the transfer of the Ark to his new capital, which would become
by virtue of its presence in an especial sense "the city of
Jehovah" {ij. 8). The eager exclamation "When wilt thou
come unto me" {v. 2) expresses his desire to welcome the
symbol of Jehovah's Presence as a dweller in his new city.

Ps. XV., in language closely resembling the opening verses of
Ps. xxiv., sets forth the conditions of acceptable approach to God,
and dwells upon the thoughts with which he would prepare
the mind of his people for the solemn event about to be cele-
brated.

The date of Ps. Ixviii. is disputed, but it may well be re-
garded as a grand choral hymn, composed by David to be sung
at the removal of the Ark to Zion, as the procession left the
house of Obed-Edom. The opening words re-echo the old
watchword for the setting forward of the Ark in the wilderness
(Num. x. 35). "God is represented, first as advancing at the
head of the Israelites through the desert; then as leading them
victoriously into Canaan ; and finally as fixing His royal abode
on Zion, whence He reigns in the majesty of universal dominion,
acknowledged and feared by all the nations of the earth ^."

Ps. xxiv. was beyond a doubt composed to be sung by choirs of
Levites as the Ark passed through the gates of Zion to its new
resting-place. " We can almost hear the creaking of the gates
of the old fortress of Jebus, as their hinges swung sullenly open
to admit the Ark of the Living God... Lift up your heads, O

^ Dean Pcrowne's Commentajy on the Psalms^

INTRODUCTION. 47

ye gates, and be ye lift up ye everlasting doors, and the King of
Glory shall come in^."

To these may perhaps be added Ps. cxxxii., the opening verses
of which refer to this occasion, though it was probably not written
until later; and Ps. xxx., apparently assigned by its title to the
dedication of David's new palace on mount Zion (2 Sam. v.
II, 12).

The Psalms of this period are characterised by their lofty
moral requirements^ by a stern exclusiveness, a noble intolerance
of pride and falsehood 2.

3. (ii) Tlie spirit in which the wars of this period were waged
is illustrated by Ps. xx., which is a litany to be sung on the eve
of the king's going forth to battle; and by Ps. xxi., which is
a Te Deum of thanksgiving for his return. To these may be
added Ps. ex. and perhaps Ps. ii. Ps. Ix. belongs to the wars
with Syria and Edom^.

4. (iii) The culmination of David's prosperity is celebrated
in Ps. xviii. (2 Sam. xxii.), written probably soon after Nathan's
visit (2 Sam. vii.), in that period of peace in which he conceived
the wish to build an house for Jehovah. It is the fitting ex-
pression of a heart overflowing with praise and thanksgiving,
and is unrivalled for the magnificence of its poetry and the
sublimity of its thought.

5. (iv) David's Fall was the occasion of two of the most
precious Psalms in the whole Psalter.

"The rock is smitten, and to future years

Springs ever fresh the tide of holy tears

And holy music, whispering peace,

Till time and sin together cease ^."

The Fifty-first Psalm is David's prayer for pardon and renewal,
springing from the newly-awakened conviction of his sin : the
Thirty-second Psalm is a review of his experience written

^ Wilberforce's Heroes of Hebrew History, p. 253.

- See Stanley's Lectures, II. 74.

"' See note on ch. viii. 13.

* Christian Year, Sixth Simday after Trinity.

48 INTRODUCTION.

somewhat later, in which he dwells upon the blessedness of
forgiveness obtained, and describes the misery he had suffered
while his sin was still unconfessed and unrepented of.

6. (v) The Flight from Absalom struck a rich vein of Psal-
mody. Ps. Ixiii. is stated by its title to have been written by
David "when he was in the wilderness of Judah/' in all proba-
bility between the flight from Jerusalem and the passage of the
Jordan. Ps. iii. is a morning hymn, and Ps. iv. an evening
hymn, composed on the day following that on which he quitted
Jerusalem. Ps. xxvi., and possibly Ps. Ixii., refer to the traitors
who had deserted him at this crisis; xxvii. and xxviii. pro-
bably describe his feelings during his exile at Mahanaim. The
characteristic features of these Psalms are the consciousness of
God's continued help, unbroken trust, firm assurance of ultimate
deliverance ; eager yearning for the privileges of the sanctuary.
They expand the thought of David's words to Zadok : "If I shall
find favour in the eyes of the Lord, he will bring me again, and
shew me both the ark and his habitation" (2 Sam. xv. 25).

Pss. xh. and Iv. have been assigned to the time during which
the conspiracy was being hatched : Ixix. and cix. have very
generally been supposed to refer to Ahithophel's treachery; and
the Sept. title of cxliii. connects it with Absalom's rebellion.
But these references are at best doubtful; and Ixix. and cix.
are almost certainly not Davidic.

7. (vi) There are no Psalms which can be pointed to with
certainty as embodying the thoughts of David's later years. Ps.
xxxvii. may indeed possibly be his, and if so, vv. 2 — 9 are a
w^orthy summing-up of lessons learnt through the vicissitudes
of a long life. Ps. ciii. is assigned by the title in the Syriac
version to David's old age, but linguistic considerations almost
forbid us to accept it as David's. The "last words of David"
(2 Sam. xxiii. i — 7) seem to stand alone, and have no com-
panion in the Psalter.

THE
E.NVIRO N S OF

JERUSALEM

M.. luH.sll '^' ^

--^ E N 4 A M\^4„^ N

/-nlepluL <

Ml/|.. h,.«3S

Z Zion r iDer ajv) | C Calvaiy '
A.Arra-f'Zoug? dty ) GGethsemane

■^Li^CjT^^ MJdorjii.^'^empZe) | PPoolot Silo-uti

RBezetha. 'Nmatyj LLowerEooloiGiliaii.
Sote

^^N k'^'^ij) -Waba~i.vurse aeaeraUv dt v uisummer

RCourtur F R 6 S.

Camtoidge TJjiivermtr IVess

THE

SECOND BOOK OF SAMUEL,

OTHERWISE CALLED,

THE SECOND BOOK OF THE KINGS.

Ch. I. I — 1 6. The news of SauVs death brought to David.

Now it came to pass after the death of Saul, when David 1
was returned from the slaughter of the Amalekites,
and David had abode two days in Ziklag ; it came even to 2
pass on the third day, that behold, a man came out of the

Ch. I. 1 — 16. The news of Saul's death brought to
David.

1. Now it came to pass, &c.] The narrative of the closing chapters
of the First Book is continued without any break. The division of the
Books is purely artificial, and did not exist in the original Hebrew text.
See Introd., ch. i. § i.

when David was rettiriied'\ See i Sam. xxx. i6.

2. 071 the third day'] The exact position of Ziklag in the Negeb, or
".South country," has not been determined. But if we may place it in
the neighbourhood of Beersheba (see note on i Sam. xxvii. 6), the
distance from the battle-field of Gilboa was about 90 or 100 miles
as the crow flies, between two and three days' journey for an active
nmner, so that the battle probably took place about the same time as
David's return home.

a man came out of the camp from SatWX This expression and that of
V. 3 seem to imply that the Amalekite represented himself as in some
way attached to the Israelite army, either as a combatant, or more
probably as a camp-follower. On the other hand, the words of v. 6,
"I happened by chance upon mount Gilboa," seem to describe his
presence on the battle-field as accidental. On the whole it is best to
suppose that he was connected with the army, and to understand v, 6
to mean merely that his finding Saul was accidental.

II. SAMUEL A

so II. SAMUEL, I. [vv. 3—6.

camp from Saul with his clothes rent, and earth upon his
head : and so it was, when he came to David, that he fell to

3 the earth, and did obeisance. And David said unto him,
From whence comest thou ? And he said unto him, Out of

4 the camp of Israel am I escaped. And David said unto
him, How went the matter? I pray thee, tell me. And
he answered, That the people are fled from the battle, and
many of the people also are fallen and dead ; and Saul and

5 Jonathan his son are dead also. And David said unto
the young man that told him, How knowest thou that Saul

6 and Jonathan his son be dead ? And the young man that
told him said, As I happened by chance upon mount Gil-
boa, behold, Saul leaned upon his spear; and lo, the chariots

with his clothes rent, and earth upon his head'\ With the same tokens
of mourning as the man of Benjamin who bore the news of the disastrous
defeat of Aphek to Shiloh. See i Sam. iv. 12, and note. There how-
ever the word rendered clothes is different, perhaps denoting a military
dress, as in i Sam. xvii. 38 : that used here is the ordinary term.

fell to the earth, and did obeisance"] Recognising David as Saul's
successor, and expecting a reward for his tidings.

did obeisance] Obeisance, derived from Lat. obedire through Fr.
oheissance, was originally used in the literal sense of obedience, but in
Bible-English is limited to the act of prostration, which was the out-
wai-d token of obedience or reverence. The Heb. word, variously
translated in the E. V. 'bow oneself,' 'bow down,' 'fall flat,' 'crouch,'
'reverence,' 'do reverence,' 'worship,' means literally to bow oneself
down, and specially to worship God.

4. How went the matter?] Lit. What was the affair? the same
phrase as that used by Eli in i Sam. iv. 16. The form of the Amalekite's
answer also closely corresponds to that of the man of Benjamin there.
The rout, the slaughter among the people, the death of the leaders, are
mentioned in an ascending climax.

many of the people] No contradiction to i Sam. xxxi. 6, where "a//
his men" refers to Saul's immediate body-guard.

6. As I happened by chance] He represents himself as accidentally
finding Saul, while wandering over Mount Gilboa in the confusion of
the rout. See note on v. 2.

mount Gilboa] See note on i Sam. xxviii. 4.

Saul leaned tcpon his spear] This is not to be understood of attempted
suicide ( I Sam. xxxi. 4), as though he was leaning upon his spear to pierce
himself through. It is a tragic picture of the last scene. The wounded
and weary king leans upon his spear — the emblem of his royalty —
for support. His followers are scattered or dead : his pursuers are close
at hand. Death, accompanied with all the insolence and mockery of a
triumphant foe, stares him in the face.

vv. 7— 12.] II. SAMUEL, I. 51

and horsemen followed hard after him. And when he ^
looked behind him, he saw me, and called unto me. And I
answered, Here am I. And he said unto me, Who art z
thou ? And I answered him, I am an Amalekite. He said 9
unto me again. Stand, I pray thee, upon me, and slay me :
for anguish is come upon me, because my life is yet whole
in me. So I stood upon him, and slew him, because I ic
was sure that he could not live after that he was fallen ; and
I took the crown that ivas upon his head, and the bracelet
that was on his arm, and have brought them hither unto my
lord. Then David took hold on his clothes, and rent them; u
and likewise all the men that were with him : and they 12
mourned, and wept, and fasted until even, for Saul, and for

chariots] It is not necessary to regard this as a lie of the Amalekite.
Parts of the elevated tract may have been accessible to the PhiHstine
chariots. Stanley speaks of "the green strip of table-land, where
probably the last struggle was fought" {Sinai and Pal. p. 345).

9. Sla7id...npon me\ Rather, Stand by me, or. Rise up against me,
and similarly in v. 10. Saul is represented in v. 6 as still upright, not
as lying prostrate on the ground.

anguislil The Heb. word occurs nowhere else, and its sense is
doubtful. The Targum renders it agony; the LXX. terrible darkness ;
the Vulg. distress {angustiac). Probably it means giddiness or cramp,
which made it impossible for him to defend himself any longer. The
marg. renderings, my coat of mail, or, my efubroidered coat, are im-
probable.

because my life is yet wJiole in me] A second reason for the request to
slay him. He feared that he might fall alive into the hands of the
Philistines. Cp. i Sam. xxxi. 4.

10. after that he was fallen] Not to be understood literally, of lying
prostrate, but metaphorically, of defeat and disgrace. Cp.

**I am a \)00x fallen man, unworthy now
To be thy lord and master."

Shakespeare, Uett. VIIT. Act iir. Sc. 2.
the c}'07un] In all probability not the State-crown, but a light
diadem, or fillet, worn round the helmet as the mark of royalty.

the bracelet] Armlets are still worn by Oriental sovereigns. Kings
and distinguished warriors are represented on both Egyptian and
Assyrian monuments as wearing highly ornamented bracelets or armlets.
See Smith's Diet, of the Bible, Art. Armlet, and Layard's Nineveh and
Babylon, 11. 322.

11. on] "On" used as we now use "of." Cp. i Sam. xxvii. ir.

12. mourned] The word literally denotes the beating of the breast,
which is still a common expression of mourning in the East.

fasted until even] Fasting is mentioned as a sign of mourning in

II. SAMUEL, I. [vv. 13—16.

Jonathan his son, and for the people of the Lord, and for
the house of Israel ; because they were fallen by the sword.

13 And David said unto the young man that told him, Whence
a7-t thou ? And he answered, I am the son of a stranger,

14 an Amalekite. And David said unto him. How wast thou
not afraid to stretch forth thine hand to destroy the Lord's

15 anointed ? And David called one of the young men, and
said. Go near, and fall upon him. And he smote him that

16 he died. And David said unto him. Thy blood be upon thy
head; for thy mouth hath testified against thee, saying, I
have slain the Lord's anointed.

I Sam. xxxi. 13; 1 Sam. iii. 35, xii. 21, 22. The day's fast was con-
sidered to terminate at sunset, as at the present day in Mahommedan
countries.

for the people of the Lord, and for the house of Israel'\ By "the
people of Jehovah" is meant the army, gathered to fight Jehovah's
battles against the heathen. Cp. i Sam. xxv. 28; and for people=ar7?iy
cp. V. 4 and i Sam. iv. 3. "The house of Israel" describes the whole
nation united under Saul, and now broken and scattered by his defeat
and death.

The Sept. has "for the people of Judah,'''' a reading which involves
a very slight change of letters, but is probably either an accidental
corruption or an intentional emendation to get rid of the apparent
tautology.

13. the son of a stranger, an Amalekite'] Or, the son of an Amalekite
stranger^ i.e. an Amalekite who had migrated into the land of Israel.
The term is one regularly used in the O.T. of foreigners residing in a
country not their own.

14. the Lord's anointed] The person of the king, consecrated to
the service of Jehovah by anointing, was inviolable. Compare David's
reiterated expressions on this point in i Sam. xxiv. 6, xxvi. 9, 11, 16;
and the armourbearer's reverence in i Sam. xxxi. 4.

16. for thy month, &c.] For the expression cp. Job xv. 6; Lk.
xix. 22. He had accused himself of a capital crime, for which he
deserved to die. Righteous indignation, and not merely political
prudence, dictated his immediate execution.

This account of Saul's death is obviously inconsistent with that given
in I Sam. xxxi. It is useless to attempt to harmonize them, but it is
quite unnecessary to assume that we have two different traditions of the
manner of Saul's death. The Amalekite's story was clearly a fabrica-
tion. In wandering over the field of battle he had found the corpse of
Saul and stripped it of its ornaments. With these he hastened to
David, and invented his fictitious story in the hope of securing an
additional reward for having with his own hand rid David of his bitterest
enemy and removed the obstacle which stood between him and the
throne. But he had formed a wrong estimate of the man he had to

vv. 17, 18.] II. SAMUEL, I. 53

1 7 — 2 7 . David's lamentation for Saul and Jonathan.

And David lamented with this lamentation over Saul and
over Jonathan his son : (also he bade them teach the chil-
dren of Judah the nse of the bow : behold, // is written in
the book of Jasher.)

deal with. Whether David believed him or not, he summarily inflicted
the penalty which the Amalekite deserved according to his own
avowal, and proved to all Israel his abhorrence of such an impious
act.

David's chivalrous loyalty and generous unselfishness in mourning for
the death of his unrelenting persecutor, whose removal opened the way
for him to the throne, are striking evidences of the nobility of his
character.

17—27. David's lamentation for Saul and Jonathan.

17. lainenied with this lamentatiofi] The technical expression for a
death-dirge or mournful elegy, such as that pronounced by David over
Abner (ch. iii. 33, 34), and by Jeremiah over Josiah (2 Chr. xxxv. 25).

18. also he bade, &c.] And he gave commandment to teacli tlie
children of Judah the Bow. The E. V. cannot be right in inserting
" the use of," for the bow was a weapon already in common use. If
the text is sound, "the Bow" must be a title given to David's elegy
from the mention of Jonathan's bow mv. 22. Somewhat similarly the
section of Exodus containing the account of the burning bush is called
"the Bush" in Lk. xx. 37, and the second chapter of the Koran is
called ' ' the Cow " from the incidental mention in it of the sacrifice of
a cow.

It must be noted however that the Vatican MS. of the LXX. omits
the word bow, and reads simply ' ' And he commanded to teach [it] to
the children of Judah." Possibly therefore the word over which much
discussion has been spent, has found its way into the text through some
scribe's mistake, and should be struck out.

The elegy was to be learnt by heart by the people in order to pre-
serve the memory of Saul and Jonathan fresh among them. Compare
the direction concerning the Song of Moses (Deut. xxxi. 19), and the
title of Psalm Ix.

behold, it is written in the book of yashej-] The elegy was included in
the volume known as The Book of Jashar, or, the Upright. ( LXX.
^L(3\iov Tov evdovs ; Vulg. liber iustorum.) This book is mentioned
only here and in Josh. x. 13. " The Upright" is explained by some to
mean Israel as the covenant people of God, and connected in etymo-
logy and sense with the title Jeshiiriin (Deut. xxxii. 15) ; by others it is
referred to the heroes whose praises were celebrated in the book. All
that can be inferred from the references to it is that it contained a collec-
tion of ancient poems, commemorating remarkable events or great
heroes of the national history: so that it formed a "book of Golden

54 n. SAMUEL, I. [vv. 19—21.

The beauty of Israel is slain upon thy high places ;

How are the mighty fallen !

Tell // not in Gath,

Publish it not in the streets of Askelon ;

Lest the daughters of the Philistines rejoice,

Lest the daughters of the uncircumcised triumph.

Ye mountains of Gilboa, let there be no dew,

Deeds" for the instruction of posterity, a "national anthology" to
which additions would be made from time to time as occasion offered.

19. The beatify of Israel, &c.] Better, Thy beauty (lit. the beazity),
0 Israel, upon thine high places is slain. Saul and Jonathan are thus
described as the chief ornament and honour of Israel. The word trans-
lated gloiy may also mean roe or gazelle, a rendering which is adopted
by some commentators, who refer it to Jonathan. There is not how-
ever any satisfactory evidence to shew that Jonathan's personal beauty
and swiftness of foot in attack or retreat had gained for him among the
troops the name of ' the Gazelle,' as Ewald supposes [Hist, of Israel, iii.
30), and as the elegy celebrates both Saul and Jonathan, the opening
word cannot be limited to the latter only-

thy high places'] Gilboa is meant. The expression suggests the ex-
tremity of the disaster, when the mountain-strongholds of the land were
forced and their defenders slain. Cp. note on ch. xxii. 34.

20. Tell it not in Gath, &c.] Gath on account of its political im-
portance, Askelon as a great religious centre, are chosen as representa-
tive of the whole country. Gath seems to have had special prominence
as the city of Achish ; not impossibly the temple of Ashtaroth in which
Saul's armour was deposited was the famous temple of Venus at Aske-
lon. See note on i Sam. xxxi. 10. The phrase " Tell it not in Gath"
is quoted in Micah i. 10 (E.V. declare), and perhaps passed into a
proverb.

Publish it not] Additional force is gained by keeping the usual
meaning of the word, publish not the good news (LXX. accurately,
IxTj evayyeXicrrja-Oe). Of course the words can only be understood as a
poetical wish that it were possible for Israel to be spared the degrada-
tion of Philistine triumph. The news was carried at once throughout
the land (i Sam. xxxi. 9).

the daughters of the Philistines] Victories were celebrated by the
women of the country with public songs and dances. Cp. i Sam.
xviii. 6; Ex. xv. 20, 21.

the uncircumcised] The common epithet for the Philistines, as hea-
then who had no share in Jehovah's covenant with Israel. No small
part of the bitterness of defeat to a pious heart consisted in the triumph
of the heathen over God's inheritance. Cp. i Sam. xiv. 6.

21. let there be 7io dew, &c.] The language is poetical. Nature is
as it were summoned to share in the mourning. The scene of such a
terrible disaster should be unvisited by fertilizing dew and rain, and lie

V. 22.] II. SAMUEL, I. 55

Neither let there be rain upon you, nor fields of offerings :
For there the shield of the mighty is vilely cast away.
The shield of Saul, as though he had not been anointed

with oil.
From the blood of the slain,
From the fat of the mighty,
The bow of Jonathan turned not back,
And the sword of Saul returned not empty.

smitten with eternal barrenness. For the thought that nature can
sympathize with man compare Ezek. xxxi. 15. _

nor fields of offerings\ An expansion of the preceding thought. Gilboa
should no longer possess fruitful fields, to produce tithes and offerings
for Jehovah. The greatest curse which can befall it is to be cut off
from rendering service to Jehovah. Compare the description of ex-
treme famine in Joel i. 9.

is vilely cast azcay] This rendering seems to be an attempt to combine
two possible meanings of the Heb. word, {a) was cast away, {b) was de-
filed with blood and dust, of which the latter is probably right.

as though he had not been anointed with oil] The original, which
might be rendered exactly the shield of Saul unanointed with oil,
leaves it uncertain whether the epithet ajwinted belongs to the shield or
to Saul, (a) Most commentators understand it to refer to the shield, left
upon the battle-field, uncared for, uncleansed from the stains of the
combat. Shields made of metal were oiled to polish them ; those made
of v.-ood and leather, to preserve them, and make missiles glide off
easily. Cp. Is. xxi. 5 ; and Verg. Aen. vii. 626 :

*'Pars leves clj^eos et spicula lucida tergunt
Arvina pingui."

"With unctuous lard their shields they clean,
And make their javelins bright and sheen."

(d) On the other hand this term anointed 1% everywhere else applied to
persons— in the books of Samuel always to the King — and not to things,
and it is certainly grammatically possible to connect it with Saul, as is
done by the E. V. The sense thus gained is much more forcible.
* There the shield of mighty heroes was defiled — yea even the shield of
Saul, whose consecrated person shared the common fate as though he
had never been set apart as the Anointed of Jehovah.'

22. Frojn the blood, &c.] In the figurative language of poetry arrows
are represented as drinking bloody the sword as eating fiesh. See Deut.
xxxii. 42 ; Is. xxxiv. 6 ; Jer. xlvi. 10.

the bcnv of Jonathan] His favourite weapon, by the gift of which
he sealed his friendship with David. See i Sam. xviii. 4, xx. 20.
Was it a reminiscence of that gift which made David call this elegy
the Bowl

56 II. SAMUEL, I. [vv. 23—27.

25 Saul and Jonathan were lovely and pleasant in their lives,
And in their death they were not divided :
They were swifter than eagles,
They were stronger than lions.

24 Ye daughters of Israel, weep over Saul,

Who clothed you in scarlet, with other delights,
Who put on ornaments of gold upon your apparel.

25 How are the mighty fallen in the midst of the battle !
O Jonathan, thou wast slain in thine high places.

■id I am distressed for thee, my brother Jonathan :

Very pleasant hast thou been unto me :

Thy love to me was wonderful.

Passing the love of women.
27 How are the mighty fallen,

And the weapons of war perished !

23. lovely and pleasant\ Perhaps rather, loving and kindly. The
words express the mutual affection which existed between father and
son. Jonathan remained faithful to his fihal duty even when his father
was persecuting his closest friend, and Saul, in spite of temporary out-
bursts of passion, loved his son to the last. Some commentators would
render " in their lives and in their death they were not divided,^^ but the
E. V. preserves the balance of the clauses better.

swifter than eagles^ Cp. Jer. iv. 13 ; Hab. i. 8.
stronger than lions'\ Cp. ch. xvii. 10; Jud. xiv. 18.

24. Ye daughters of Israeli The women who had once celebrated
Saul's triumphs, and shared the spoil of his victories, are summoned to
lament his loss. This incidental mention indicates how much Saul's
successful wars, so briefly alluded to in the history of his reign (i Sam.
xiv. 47), had enriched the nation.

with other delights'] A possible rendering : but with delights perhaps
rather means delicately or richly.

25. O Jonathan, thou •w^'&X. slain in thine high places'] 0 Jonathan,
slain upon thine high places ! The insertion of thozi wast weakens
the force and pathos. Cp. v. 19. The hero of a hundred fights, slain
at last in those mountain strong-holds of his country which he had
once won and defended so successfully (i Sam. xiv.).

27. How are the mighty fallen] This thrice-repeated refrain sounds
the keynote of the elegy. Cp. Ps. xlii. 5, 11, xliii. 5, cvii. 8, 15, 21, 31.

the weapons of zvar] Metaphorically, of Saul and Jonathan as the
instruments of battle for the nation. Cp. Is. xiii. 5, Acts ix. 15 (cr/ceOos
as in the LXX. here). To understand it literally of swords and spears
would close the most pathetic of elegies with an incredible bathos.

Dean Stanley observes that " Over the portal of the sepulchral chapel
of the most famous of mediaeval heroes — the tomb of the Cid near

w. 1, 2.] II. SAMUEL, II. 57

Ch. II. I — 7. David anointed King over Judah at Hebron.
His message to the Gileadites.

And it came to pass after this, that David inquired of 2
the Lord, saying. Shall I go up into any of the cities of
Judah ? And the Lord said unto him, Go up. And David
said, Whither shall I go up ? And he said. Unto Hebron.
So David went up thither, and his two wives also, Ahinoam 2
the JezreeUtess, and Abigail Nabal's wife the Carmelite.

Burgos — we find inscribed the words of David " How are the mighty
fallen and the weapons of war perished," " Quomodo cecidcrunt robustly
et ferio'tint ar?na bellica" {Led. 11. 31).

It is needless to dwell on the poetic beauty, the chivalrous loyalty,
the tender love, which characterize this most pathetic of funeral odes.

** Saul had fallen with all his sins upon his head, fallen in the bitter-
ness of despair, and as it might have seemed to mortal eye, under the
shadow of the curse of God. But not only is there in David's lament
no revengeful feeling at the death of his persecutor .... but he dwells
with unmixed love on the brighter recollections of the departed. He
speaks only of the Saul of earlier times, the mighty conqueror, the
delight of his people, the father of his beloved and faithful friend ; like
him in life, united with him in death. Such expressions...may fairly be
taken as justifying the irrepressible instinct of humanity which compels
us to dwell on the best qualities of those who have just departed."
Stanley, Led. II. 30. See too a noble passage to the same effect in
Islzuxice's Prophets and Kings, Serm. Ii., p. 32.

Ch. II. 1 — 7. David anointed King over Judah at Hebron.
His message to the Gileadites.

1. after this'] After the defeat of Israel and the death of Saul and
Jonathan, David saw that the way was clear for the fulfilment of God's
promise that he should be king. Still he desired divine direction how
to act in this crisis. He therefore " inquired of the Lord " by means of
the Urim and Thummim through the High-priest Abiathar. See notes
on I Sam. x. 22, xxiii. 6.

Unto Hebron] The central position of Hebron in the tribe of Judah, its
mountainous and defensible situation, its importance as a priestly settle-
ment and an ancient royal city, the patriarchal associations connected
with it, combined to render it the most suitable capital for the new
kingdom, while the North was held partly by the Philistines, partly by
Saul's adherents. In its neighbourhood moreover David had spent a
considerable part of his fugitive life, and gained many supportei's. See
I Sam. XXX. 31, and note there.

2. Ahinoam — Abigail] Cp. i Sam. xxv. 42, 43. The Jezreel to
which Ahinoam belonged was a city in the mountains of Judah near
Carmel and Juttah.

58 II. SAMUEL, II. [vv. 'y,—!'

3 And his men that were with him did David bring up, every
man with his household : and they dwelt in the cities of

4 Hebron. And the men of Judah came, and there they
anointed David king over the house of Judah. And they
told David, saying. That the men of Jabesh-gilead were

5 they that buried Saul. And David sent messengers unto
the men of Jabesh-gilead, and said unto them, Blessed be
ye of the Lord, that ye have shewed this kindness unto

6 your lord, eve?i unto Saul, and have buried him. And now
the Lord shew kindness and truth unto you : and I also
will requite you this kindness, because ye have done this

7 thing. Therefore now let your hands be strengthened, and
be ye valiant : for your master Saul is dead, and also the
house of Judah have anointed me king over them.

3. in the cities of Hebroii\ The towns and villages of the district
round Hebron.

4. the men ofjudah came] An assembly of David's own tribe was
held in order to elect him king. No doubt he had previously secured
the support of the elders. Cp. i Sam. xxx. 26.

they anointed David] David had already been anointed privately
by Samuel to mark God's choice of him as the future king, but it was
natural that the ceremony should now be repeated publicly as the
formal inauguration of his reign, and even a third time, when he
was made king over all Israel (ch. v. 3). Similarly Saul was first
privately anointed (i Sam. x. i), and afterwards publicly installed in
his office, and possibly anointed a second time (i Sam. xi. 14, 15, note).
On the significance of the rite of anointing see note on 1 Sam. x. i.

And they told David] The connexion is obscure. We should expect
a fresh verse and paragraph. Apparently either the announcement was
intended to indicate the quarter in which opposition to his authority
was most probable, or it was an answer to David's inquiry whether the
body of his predecessor had received fitting burial. In either case the
embassy to the men of Jabesh was prompted by policy no less than by
gratitude. If David could secure the support of the capital of Gilead
(i Sam. xi. i), he might reckon on speedily extending his power over
the whole country. His conciliatory message is virtually an appeal to
them to recognise him as Saul's legitimate successor.

6. the Lord shew kindness and truth unto yoic] Kindness and truth,
i.e. mercy zxidi faithfulness, are attributes of God's character often coupled
together. See Ex. xxxiv. 6; Ps. xxv. 10, xl. 11, Ivii. 3, Ixxxvi. 15, &c.

/ also will requite you this kindness] Render, I also will shew you
this good, viz. the honourable embassy of thanks, and the friendly
spirit which it attested.

7. be ye valiant] The following clause, which might be rendered
"for though your master Saul is dead, j^^ the house of Judah, &c.,"

vv. 8, 9.] 11. SAMUEL, II. 59

8 — II. Ish-losheth set up by Abner as a rival to David.

But Abner the son of Ner, captain of Saul's host, took Ish- 8
bosheth the son of Saul, and brought him over/^ Mahanaim;
and he made him king over Gilead, and over the Ashurites, 9

makes it plain that David hoped the men of Jabesh would join him,
and hold the land of Gilead against the Philistines until he could come
to their aid. As however Gilead became the head-quarters of his rival
Ish-bosheth, it does not appear that the embassy was successful.

8 — 11. Ish-bosheth set up by Abner as a rival to David.

8. Abnerl Both by his relationship of first cousin to Saul (i Sam.
xiv. 50, note), and by his office as commander of the army, Abner was
marked out as the natural champion of Saul's house.

took] Better, had taken. The historian goes back to relate events im-
mediately succeeding the battle of Gilboa. Abner had escaped from the
fatal field and carried Ish-bosheth with him across the Jordan, whither
it would seem there was a general retreat, while the country west of
the Jordan was abandoned to the Philistines (i Sam. xxxi. 7).

Ish-bosheth'] Saul's fourth son, not previously mentioned, was a
mere tool in the hands of Abner. His original name, as given in
the genealogies in i Chr. viii. 33, ix. 39, was Esh-baal { = majt of
Baal), but this has been changed to Ish-lDOsheth ( — man of shame),
to avoid the scandal of pronouncing the name of the false god Baal.
Compare the substitution of Mephibosheth for Meribbaal (2 Sam. iv. 4;
I Chr. viii. 34), and Jerubbesheth for Jerubbaal (2 Sam. xi. 21 ; Jud. viii.
35), and see Hos. ix. 10; Jer, xi. 13. There are indications that Esh-
baal was the original reading here, and the change may have been
made in books commonly read, while the original form was retained in
the genealogy.

As regards the origin of the name, it is a question M'hether it was a
relic of the old Baal worship, or whether baal ( =lord) was at one time
used as a title of Jehovah until discredited by idolatry (Hos. ii. 16).

to Mahanaim'] Mahanaim { = tzuo hosts), "the spot consecrated by the
presence of God in primeval times, where Jacob had divided his people
into 'two hosts,' and had seen the 'two hosts' of the angelic vision"
(Gen. xxxii. 2, 10), was chosen by Abner as the capital of Ish-bosheth's
kingdom. Afterwards it became the retreat of David when he fled
from Absalom (ch. xvii. 24), and at that time was a fortified town with
walls and gates (ch. xviii. 24). It was situated on the frontier between
Gad and Manasseh (Josh. xiii. 26, 30), but its exact position has not
been identified with certainty. Canon Tristram places it at Mahneh, a
few miles E. of Jabesh-Gilead {Land of Israel, p. 474).

9. Gilead] Here apparently, as in Josh. xxii. 9, Gilead includes the
whole district occupied by the Israelites to the E. of the Jordan, and
not merely the central portion of it, between the S. end of the Lake of
Gennesaret and the N. end of the Dead Sea.

the Ashurites] Probably an alternative form or a corrupt reading for

6o II. SAMUEL, 11. [vv. 10—12.

and over Jezreel, and over Ephraim, and over Benjamin,

10 and over all Israel. Ish-bosheth Saul's son was forty years
old when he began to reign over Israel, and reigned two

11 years. But the house of Judah followed David. And the
time that David was king in Hebron over the house of Judah
was seven years and six months.

12 — 17. War between Ish-bosheth and David. The Cof?ibat
at Gibeon.

12 And Abner the son of Ner, and the servants of Ish-
bosheth the son of Saul, went out from Mahanaim to Gibeon.

Asherites (Jud. i. 32), i. e. the tribe of Asher, named as the principal
inhabitants of Western Palestine north of the plain of Esdraelon. The
Targum gives "house of Asher," The Vulgate and Syriac versions how-
ever read Gesluiritcs. If this reading is adopted, by Geshurites must
be understood tlie tribe which maintained itself among the Israelites in
the district S. of Mount Hermon (Josh. xiii. 13), to be distinguished
from the independent kingdom of Geshur in Syria (ch. iii. 3), and from
the Geshurites on the borders of PhiUstia (i Sam. xxvii. 8).

JezreeL. The great plain of Esdraelon is thus named from its prin-
cipal city. See note on i Sam. xxix. i.

all Israel^ Ish-bosheth's dominions were gradually extended until
they included all the country which afterwards formed the kingdom of
Israel as distinguished from that of Judah.

10. forty years oId\ This statement is surprising, even if we reduce
Ish-bosheth's age at Saul's death to 34^, by supposing that his accession
is dated 5^ years after that event; and it is possible that the numeral
has been corrupted in transcription. As it stands, it involves a double
difficulty, (a) About 33 years is the most that can be assigned to
Saul's reign (see note on i Sam. xiii. i, and Introd. to i Sam. p. 23),
so that it represents his youngest son as born before his accession, which
is improbable, {h) Ish-bosheth's eldest brother Jonathan seems to have
been about the same age as David, and therefore not much more than
thirty at the time of his death.

tivo years] The duration of Ish-bosheth's reign is probably reckoned
from the time when Abner succeeded in establishing his authority
over all Israel. Five years and a half were occupied with the re-
conquest of the land from the Philistines, and these two years syn-
chronize with the last two of David's reign at Hebron. No great in-
terval seems to have elapsed between the deaths of Abner and Ish-
bosheth, and David's recognition as king of Israel.

12—17. War between Ish-bosheth and David. The Combat
AT Gibeon.

12. wenl ont] The technical expression for going to war. Cp.
I Sam. xviii. 30. After establishing Ish-bosheth's power over all Israel,

V. 13.] 11. SAMUEL, II. 6i

And Joab the son of Zeruiah, and the servants of David, 13
went out, and met together by the pool of Gibeon : and

Abner turned his arms against Judah, and marched with his army from
Ish-bosheth's capital, Mahanaim, to Gibeon, where David's army under
the command of Joab met him.

to Gibeon'] The site of Gibeon {= belonging to, or built on, a hill) is
fixed with certainty on a rounded hill five miles N.W. of Jerusalem,
which still bears the name El-Jib. Gibeon was the largest of the four
cities of the Hivites (Josh. x. 2), famous for the stratagem by which its
inhabitants procured a treaty from Joshua (Josh. ix. 3 ff.). It was in
the territory of Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 25), and specially assigned to the
priests (Josh. xxi. 17). Here Amasa met his death by the treacherous
hand of Joab (2 Sam. xx. 5 — 10). It gained its chief importance in the
reigns of David and Solomon, as the great centre of worship at which
the Tabernacle and the Altar of Burnt-offering were set up before the
building of the Temple (2 Chr. i. 3, 5), at which Solomon celebrated
his accession with solemn sacrifices, and God appeared to him in
vision (i Kings iii. 4 — 15).

13. Joab the son of Zerniah] The eldest of David's three nephews,
the son of his sister Zeruiah (i Chr. ii. 16). Next to the king himself he
occupies the most conspicuous position in the history of David's reign.
Already he appears to have acted as commander-in-chief of the army,
though his formal appointment to that post was the reward of his valour
at the capture of Jebus (i Chr. xi. 6; 2 Sam. viii. 16). In this capacity
he {a) conducted the war against the Syrians and Ammonites (2 Sam.
X. 7); [b) completed the conquest of Edom (i Kings xi. 15, 16); {c)
defeated the Ammonites in a second war, and took their capital (2 Sam.
xi. I, xii. 26).

With a too ready subservience he carried out David's plan for getting
rid of Uriah (2 Sam. xi. 14 ff.), a service which increased his influence
over David, by giving him the possession of his guilty secret. (See
Blunt's Undesigned Coincidences, Part II. ch. 11.) We find him
scheming to secure the restoration of Absalom to David's favour (2 Sam.
xiv.), yet remaining loyal to David in Absalom's rebellion (2 Sam.
xviii. 2).

The vindictive unscrupulousness of his character is illustrated by his
murder of Abner in revenge for the death of Asahel (2 Sam. iii. 27);
of Absalom, in spite of David's express command (2 Sam. xviii. 14)5 of
Amasa, who was appointed to supersede him (2 Sam. xx. 10).

Too valuable to be dispensed with, too fierce to be controlled, he was
a continual source of vexation to David (2 Sam. iii. 39), who gave
Solomon a dying charge not to leave his crimes unpunished (i Kings
ii. 5, 6). His complicity in Adonijah's rebellion filled up the measure
of his iniquity, and he met a traitor's death in spite of his taking
sanctuary at the altar in Gibeon (i Kings ii. 28 — 34).

by the pool of Gibeo7i\ "A few rods from the village [of El-Jib],
just below the top of the ridge towards the north, is a fine fountain of
water. It is in a cave excavated in and under the high rock, so as to

62 II. SAMUEL, II. [vv. 14—16.

they sat down, the one on the one side of the pool, and the

14 other on the other side of the pool. And Abner said to
Joab, Let the young men now arise, and play before us.

15 And Joab said. Let them arise. Then there arose and went
over by number twelve of Benjamin, which peiiained to
Ish-bosheth the son of Saul, and twelve of the servants of

i6 David. And they caught every one his fellow by the head,
and thrust his sword in his fellow's side ; so they fell down
together : wherefore that place was called Helkath-hazzurim,

form a large subterranean reservoir. Not far below it, among the olive
trees, are the remains of another open reservoir, perhaps 120 feet in
length by 100 in breadth." Robinson, Bibl. Res. I. 455. The "pool
of Gibeon" may well be the waters of this fountain and reservoir. It is
again referred to in Jer. xli. 12 as "the great waters that are in
Gibeon."

they sat dozwz] i.e. halted and encamped.

14. Let the yoiing mat now arise'l "Young men" here means "ser-
vants" or "soldiers." Cp.ch.iv. 12. Desirous to avoid the horrors of a
civil war, which would weaken the whole nation in the face of its common
enemy the Philistines, perhaps also prompted by friendly relations with
Joab, Abner proposes to decide the day by a combat between two
bodies of picked men. The combat of tlie Horatii and Curiatii,
which decided the war between Alba and Rome, affords a parallel in
classical story. Livy represents the Alban dictator, Mettius Fuffetius,
as urging this plan of ending the war, lest both nations, weakened by
the losses of a general battle, should fall into the hands of their common
enemy the Etruscans. See Livy i. 23 — 25.

and play before iis'Y The word "play" is used euphemistically in
reference to fighting. There is no indication that a bloodless tourna-
ment was intended. Livy calls the combat above referred to "minime
gratum spectaculum," "an exhibition which was by no means an amuse-
ment."

15. there arose and went over by number'\ A fixed number from
either side met on neutral ground between the t\vo armies.

of Benjamin'] Saul's own tribe provided the champions for his cause.
Cp. V, 25.

16. And they caught, &c.] Self-defence was forgotten in the ferocity
of the struggle, and all the combatants fell together by a mutual
slaughter.

Helkath-hazzurini\ This obscure name is variously explained as the
field or plat, {a) of sharp edges, in allusion to the swords which proved
so fatal ; {b) of strong men, literally rocks, from the rock-like obstinacy
with which they fought; so the Vulg. ager rob2istortim ; {c) of plotters,
the rendering of the LXX. (^epts twv ^tti^oxAwv), which involves a
slight change in the Hebrew word, implying that there was some foul play
in the combat; {d) of sides, according to a conjectural emendation

w. 17—23.] II. SAMUEL, II. 63

which is in Gibeon. And there was a very sore battle that 17
day; and Abner was beaten, and the men of Israel, before
the servants of David.

18—23. The Death of Asahel.

And there were three sons of Zeruiah there, Joab, and 18
Abishai, and Asahel : and Asahel was as light of foot as
a wild roe. And Asahel pursued after Abner; and in 19
going he turned not to the right hand nor to the left from
following Abner. Then Abner looked behind him, and 20
said, Art thou Asahel ? And he answered, I am. And 21
Abner said to him, Turn thee aside to thy right hand or to
thy left, and lay thee hold on one of the young men, and
take thee his armour. But Asahel would not turn aside
from following of him. And Abner said again to Asahel, 22
Turn thee aside from following me : wherefore should I
smite thee to the ground ? how then should I hold up my
face to Joab thy brother ? Howbeit he refused to turn aside : 23
wherefore Abner with the hinder end of the spear smote

suggested in the Speaker''s Commentary, in allusion to the phrase
"thrust his sword in his fellow's side." Either the first or second ex-
planation is the most probable.

17. Afid there was a very sore battle that day"] The combat of
champions having proved indecisive, a severe general engagement took
place, ending in the defeat of Abner's forces.

18—23. The Death of Asahel.

18. three sons of ZertdaJiX The standing designation of David's
nephews, to shew their relationship to him (i Chr. ii. 16).

as a -wild roe] The wild roe or gazelle, which still abounds in
Palestine, is celebrated for its swiftness, grace, beauty, and gentleness.
Cp. I Chr. xii. 8; Prov. vi. 5. See Tristram's A'at. Hist. 0/ the Bible,
p. 127.

21. take thee his armottr] Probably, as in Jud. xiv. 19, Ms spoil:
i.e. if Asahel was desirous of spoil, he might find it elsewhere, instead
of attacking a practised warrior at the risk of his life.

22. Turn thee aside] Asahel was probably a mere stripling, and no
match for Abner, who, wishing to avoid a feud with Joab and an
obstacle to making favourable terms with David on the fall of Saul's
house, again exhorted Asahel to abandon the pursuit.

hold tip my face to yoab\ Meet him with the steady gaze which is the
index of a clear conscience, the opposite of the downcast look which
betokens shame and guilt. Cp. Job xi. 15.

23. with the hinder end of the spear] Abner defended himself in this

64 II. SAMUEL, II. [vv. 24—27.

him under the fifth rib, that the spear came out behind
him ; and he fell down there, and died in the same place :
and it came to pass, that as many as came to the place
where Asahel fell down and died stood still.

24 — 32. The Pur suit AsahePs burial.

24 Joab also and Abishai pursued after Abner : and the sun
went down when they were come to the hill of Ammah, that
lieth before Giah by the way of the wilderness of Gibeon.

5S And the children of Benjamin gathered themselves together
after Abner, and became one troop, and stood on the top

25 of a hill. Then Abner called to Joab, and said, Shall the
sword devour for ever ? knowest thou not that it will be bitter-
ness in the latter end ? how long shall it be then, ere thou bid

27 the people return from following their brethren ? And Joab
said. As God liveth, unless thou hadst spoken, surely then m.

way with a view to disable rather than kill Asahel. But the butt-end
of the spear, pointed or shod with iron to be stuck in the ground
(i Sam. xxvi. 7; Horn. //. x. 153), dealt a fatal blow.

wider the fifth rib'] The E. V. follows the Jewish commentators in
thus rendering a word which occurs in three other passages of this book
(iii. 27, iv. 6, XX. 10) and nowhere else. In tlie toelly is however
the more probable meaning.

stood still] Riveted to the spot with awe and grief, mourning the
untimely fate of the young hero. Cp. ch. xx. 12.

24 — 32. The Pursuit. Asahel's burial.

24. Joah also, &c.] And Joab and Abishai continued the pursuit, in
contrast to those who halted at the scene of Asahel's death.

the hill of Ain7nah...Giah'\ Nothing is known of these places, but
the minuteness of topographical detail is an indication that the history
was written by one who was familiar with the circumstances.

the wilderness of Gibeon] The untilled tract of pasture-lands, lying
east of the city.

25. the children of Benjamiii] The men of Saul's tribe shew them-
selves prepared to fight for his son's cause to the last. Cp. v. 15.

became one troop] The word means properly a knot or band. Abner
chose a strong position in which to rally the remnant of his scattered
forces into a solid phalanx.

26. that it will be bitterness in the latter ejtd] Either, that the final
struggle of desperate men when driven to bay will be the fiercest ; or,
that any further prosecution of the contest will merely aggravate the
bitterness of hostility between the tribes.

27. unless thoti hadst spoken] Abner found fault with Joab for con-
tinuing the pursuit. Joab retorts that Abner himself was to blame for

vv. 28—32.] II. SAMUEL, 11.

the morning the people had gone up every one from follow-
ing his brother. So Joab blew a trumpet, and all the as
people stood still, and pursued after Israel no more, neither
fought they any more. And Abner and his men walked all 29
that night through the plain, and passed over Jordan, and
went through all Bithron, and they came to Mahanaim.
And Joab returned from following Abner : and when he had 30
gathered all the people together, there lacked of David's
servants nineteen men and Asahel. But the servants of 31
David had smitten of Benjamin, and of Abner's men, so that
three hundred and threescore men died. And they took up 32
Asahel, and buried him in the sepulchre of his father, which
was in Beth-lehem. And Joab and his men went all night,
and they came to Hebron at break of day.

the commencement of the battle. Unless thou Jiadst spoken {v. 14), and
challenged us to fight, the armies viight have separated this morning
luithotct coining to blows. Joab believed that the civil war might have
been avoided by timely negotiation. This explanation is the simplest,
and fits the context best. Another way of taking it is, Unless thou
hadst spoken, and asked for a cessation of hostilities, then to-morroT.v
mornings but not before, the people, &c. ; i.e. Joab boasts that his com-
pliance with Abner's request was no sign of weakness on his part, for
he might have continued the pursuit until morning. But this meaning
is less obvious, and less suitable as an answer to Abner.

28. neither fonght they any morel For the time being only. It was
not the final end of the war, which lasted for a long time afterwards
(ch. iii. 1).

29. walked all that nighty Fearing a renewal of hostilities they
made good their retreat at once.

thj'ongh the plain'] Ttie Arabah, or "desert tract which extends along
the valley of the Jordan from the Dead Sea to the Lake of Gennesareth,
now called by the Arabs El-Ghor." Stanley, ^Smae and Pal. p. 487.

through all Bithroji] Probably, as the name (derived from a root
meaning to act) implies, some ravine, or district intersected by ravines^
between the Jordan and Mahanaim.

32. in the sepulchre of his father... in Beth-lehem'] The only reference
to Zeruiah's husband, who appears from this notice to have been a
Bethlehemite. Josephus calls him Snri (Zovpl).

went all night] Clearly the night after Asahel's burial, not the night
after the battle. The fighting was not over till after sunset {v. 24),
and it would have been impossible to collect the army, make necessary
arrangements, and march a distance of at least 26 miles from Gibeon to
Hebron, burying Asahel on the way. Joab no doubt spent the night at
Gibeon, marched to Bethlehem the next day, and after burying his
brother, hastened on to report himself to David at Hebron.

II. SAMUEL C

66 II. SAMUEL, III. [vv. 1—4.

Ch. hi. I — 5. Progress of David'' s cause. His family.

Z Now there was long war between the house of Saul and
the house of David: but David waxed stronger and stronger,

2 and the house of Saul waxed weaker and weaker. And unto
David were sons born in Hebron: and his firstborn was

3 Amnon, of Ahinoam the JezreeHtess ; and his second, Chi-
leab, of Abigail the wife of Nabal the Carmelite ; and the
third, Absalom the son of Maacah the daughter of Talmai

4 king of Geshur; and the fourth, Adonijah the son of

Ch. III. 1 — 5. Progress of David's cause. His family.

2. And wit 0 David, &c.] The list of David's sons born in Hebi-on
is given again in i Chr. iii. i — 3, apparently in an independent form,
but with only one important variation. It appears to interrupt the
course of the narrative here, but it is quite in accordance with the usual
practice of O. T. historians to insert information about the family of a
king at critical points in the history of his reign, and moreover it is in
place here as a practical evidence of the strengthening of David's house.
Cp. I Sam. xiv. 49 — 51; 1 Sam. v. 13 — 16.

Amnon^i^ Infamous for the sin which cost him his life, and indirectly
proved the source of shame and calamity to his family and nation. See
on ch. xiii.

3. Chileabl Called in Chron. Daniel, the meaning of which name,
"God is my judge," suggests that it may have been given him to com-
memorate God's judgment upon Nabal (i Sam. xxv. 39; cp. Gen. xxx.
6). Some suppose that he bore both names, but the Sept. reading
here Dalinah (Aa\oi;ta), and the identity of the last three letters of
Chileab in the Hebrew with the first three of the following word, make
it extremely probable that the text of Samuel is corrupt.

Absalovi\ Whose name, ^^ Father of Peace^^ was belied by his
conduct, the gloomy history of which occupies chaps, xiii. — xviii. of
this book.

Maacah the daughter of Talmai king of Geshni-] This marriage with
a foreign princess, which was contrary to the spirit of the law (Ex. xxxiv.
16; Deut. vii. 3 ; Josh, xxiii. 12), and bore such bitter fruit, may have been
prompted by political reasons, especially the desirability of securing an
ally in the neighbourhood of Ish-bosheth's capital. Talmai's kingdom
was a part of Aram or Syria {ch. xv. 8), adjoining the province of Argob
in the north-east of Bashan (Deut. iii. 14) : probably in the wild and
rocky region now called El-Lejah. As Talmai was the name of one
of the giant "sons of Anak" who were expelled from Hebron by
Caleb (Josh. xv. 14), and as Geshur was close to the kingdom of Og,
who was of the remnant of the giants, it is tempting to conjecture
that there may have been some connexion between the families, which
would account for David's marrying the daughter of the king of Geshur
while resident at Hebron.

vv. 5—7.] 11. SAMUEL, III. 67

Haggith ; and the fifth, Shephatiah the son of Abital ; and 5
the sixth, Ithream, by Eglah David's wife. These were born
to David in Hebron.

6 — 1 1. Quarrel between Ahner aiid Ish-hosheth,
And it came to pass, while there was war between the 6
house of Saul and the house of David, that Abner made
himself strong for the house of Saul. And Saul had a con- 7

4. Adonij'aJi] Who made an ill return for his father's indulgence
(i Kings i. 6) by setting up a rival claim to the throne in opposition
to Solomon, in which he was supported by Joab and Abiathar (i Kings
i. 5 ff.)' He was pardoned at the time, but shortly afterwards put
to death for preferring a request which, viewed in the light of Oriental
customs, was tantamount to repeated treason.

Thus three of the six sons born to David in Hebron attained an
unenviable notoriety; the remaining three, who are not mentioned
again in the history, are happy in their obscurity.

5. Eglah David's zvifc] A Jewish tradition as old as the time of
Jerome {Qiiaest. Hcbr. in libros Regtun) makes Eglah {—heifer^ cp.
Jud. xiv, 18) another name for Michal, who is supposed to be par-
ticularly distinguished both here and in i Chr. iii. 3 as David's wife,
because she was his first and best-loved. If so, her position last in
the list may be accounted for because she was separated from David
for a time, and only returned to him towards the close of his residence
in Hebron {v. 13), so that Ithream was the youngest of his sons born
there.

Polygamy was tolerated by the Mosaic legislation as an existing
custom, but discouraged as contrary to the original institution and true
ideal of marriage (Deut. xxi. 15 — 17; xvii. 17; Gen. ii. 24, of which
perhaps Gen. xxxi. 50 is a corrupt reminiscence). David's family
history is a standing monument of the pernicious effects of this practice,
which are perpetuated to this day in Oriental countries, where "con-
tentions, envyings, jealousies and quarrels among the wives, as well as
between the different sets of children" still prevail. See Van Lennep's
Bible Lajids, ii. p. 559.

6—11. Quarrel between Abner and Ish-bosheth.

6. uiade himself sti'ojig'] Or, shewed himself strong. Ish-bosheth
was evidently weak and incapable, a mere puppet in the hands of
Abner, who had made himself the mainstay of Saul's house, partly
from his family connexion, partly with a view to secure the greatest
amount of influence, possibly with the hope of eventually becoming
king himself. At length foreseeing the impossibility of continuing a
successful opposition to David's growing power, he took the opportunity
of a quarrel with Ish-bosheth to make such overtures to David as
might secure him favourable terms and an influential position.

5—2

68 II. SAMUEL, III. [vv. 8—10.

cubine, whose name was Rfzpah, the daughter of Aiah: and
Ish-bosheth said to Abner, Wherefore hast thou gone in unto

8 my father's concubine ? Then was Abner very wroth for
the words of Ish-bosheth, and said, A7?i I a dog's head,
which against Judah do shew kindness this day unto the
house of Saul thy father, to his brethren, and to his friends,
and have not deUvered thee into the hand of David, that
thou chargest me to day with a fault concerning this wo-

9 man? So do God to Abner, and more also, except, as the

10 Lord hath sworn to David, even so I do to him ; to trans-

7. Rizpah^ the daughter of Aiah'\ The heroine of the tragic story
related in eh. xxi. 8 — ir.

and Ish-bosheth said'\ Ish-bosheth has fallen out of the Heb. text.
The Sept. has Ish-bosheth the son of SatU ; the Vulg. Ish-bosheth.

Wherefore, &c.] An Oriental monarch took possession of his pre-
decessor's harem. Cp. ch. xii. 8, xvi. ?.i; i Kings ii. 22. There is
no further indication that Abner intended to dethrone Ish-bosheth, but
the act was an invasion of royal rights, and consequently implicit
treason.

8. Am I a dog's head, &c.] Render, Am I a dog's head belonging
to Judah? This day do I shew kindness... and thou hast charged
me! &c. i.e. Am I at once despicable and hostile to your interests?
Nay, I am faithful to the house of Saul, otherwise I should long ago
have made terms with David by surrendering you into his hands.

In the East in ancient times as at the present day, dogs, although
used for guarding flocks and houses (Job xxx. i; Is. Ivi. 10), were
chiefly seen prowling about towns in a half-wild condition, owning no
master, living on offal and garbage. Cp. Ps. lix. 14, 15; i Kings xxi.
19, 23, 24, xxii. 38. Hence the aversion with which they were regarded,
and "dog" became (i), as here, a tcrai of reproach and contempt;
cp. I Sam. xvii. 43, xxiv. 14; 2 Sam. ix. 8, xvi. 9; 2 Kings viii. 13 :
(2) an expression for fierce and cruel men (Ps. xxii. 16) : (3) a name
for impure persons (Matt. vii. 6; Phil. iii. 2; Rev. xxii. 15). See
Tristram's Nat. Hist, of the Bible, p. 78.

9. So do God, &c.] An oath characteristic of the books of Samuel
and Kings. See note on i Sam. iii. 17.

as the Lord hath sworn to David\ No express divine oath promising
the kingdom to David is recorded : but Samuel's solemn declaration
to Saul (i Sam. xv. 28, 29), and his choice and anointing of David by
divine command (i Sam. xvi. i — 12), were equivalent to it. It seems
to have been generally known that David was designated by God to
be Saul's successor (i Sam. xxv. 28 — 31; 2 Sam. v. 2). "Abner is
self-convicted by these words. He knew that the Lord had sworn to
give the throne to David, and yet he had resisted — consciously re-
sisted— to the best of his power the fulfdment of that high decree. He
now reaps his reward in this, that his return to what was really his

vv. II— 13-] II. SAMUEL, in. 69

late the kingdom from the house of Saul, and to set up the
throne of David over Israel and over Judah, from Dan even
to Beer-sheba. And he could not answer Abner a word n
again, because he feared him.

12 — 21. Ahncrs negotiations 7cnt/t David.

And Abner sent messengers to David on his behalf, 12
saying, Whose is the land? saying also, Make thy league
with me, and behold, my hand s/iatl be with thee, to
bring about all Israel unto thee. And he said, Well; I 13
Avill make a league with thee : but one thing I require
of thee, that is, Thou shalt not see my face, except thou
first bring Michal Saul's daughter, when thou comest to

duty, bears the aspect of treacher}% meanness, and dishonour. It now
devolved upon him to undo his own work, whereas at the first it
was in his power to subside into graceful and honourable acquiescence
in a decree which, although distasteful to him, he could not and ought
not to resist. Had he done this, his acknowledged abilities might
have secured for him no second place among the worthies of David,
and his end might have been very different." Kitto, Bible Illustj;
p. .^24.

10. from Dan even to Bccr-sJieha\ Over the whole land of Israel.
See note on i Sam. iii. 20.

12 — 21. Abner's negotiations with David.

12. on his behalf} The Sept. rendering immediately is adopted
by some commentators, but is unsupported by the use of the word
elsewhere.

JV/iose is the land] The meaning may be either {a) " Is not the
land thine by virtue of God's promise?" or (/;) " Is not the land in my
power so that I can make whom I please king?" But the latter
agrees best with the words which follow; "Make thy covenant with
wt'," and with Abner's character and evident desire to lay stress on
his own power, in order to secure favourable terms for himself. There
is however some doubt about the text, which was corrupt in the copy
from which the Sept. version was made, and possibly the words Whose
is the land? saying also should be struck out. The Targum has a
curious paraphrase, " I swear by Him Who made the earth."

13. except thoti first bring ] As the text stands it can only he
rendered except on condition of tJiy bringing. But it looks like a com-
bination of two readings, except thoti bring (so the LXX.) and before
ihoii bring (Vulg.).

David's reasons for demanding the restoration of Michal were probably
(<?) genuine affection for the wife of his youth who had saved his life
(i Sam. xviii. 20, xix. 11 i{.) ; [b) a desire to efface the slight put upon

70 II. SAMUEL, III. [vv. 14—18.

14 see my face. And David sent messengers to Ish-bosheth
Saul's son, saying, Deliver me my wife Michal, which I
espoused to me for an hundred foreskins of the Philistines.

15 And Ish-bosheth sent, and took her from her husband, even

16 from Phaltiel the son of Laish. And her husband went with
her along weeping behind her to Bahurim. Then said Ab-

17 ner unto him, Go, return. And he returned. And Abner
had communication with the elders of Israel, saying. Ye

18 sought for David in times past to be king over you: now

him by the deprivation; [c) a wish to conciliate the good will of the
northern tribes by an alliance with Saul's family.

14. David sent messengers to Ish-boshetIi\ The acceptance of the
condition by Abner is implied, but the formal demand was made
from Ish-bosheth, who was powerless to resist the will of his master.
Thus the restoration of Michal took place openly as a public act of
justice; it clearly exhibited the strength of David and the weakness of
Ish-bosheth ; it gave Al^ner opportunity to go to Hebron as Michal's
escort, and mature his plans for deposing Ish-bosheth.

which I espoused, (Sec] Saul proposed the slaughter of an hundred
Philistines as the price of Michal's hand in lieu of dowry: David paid
him double (i Sam. xviii. -25, 27).

15. Fhaltiel] Called Phalti in i Sam. xxv. 44, where his marriage
with Michal is recorded.

16. Bahtcrini] A village mentioned again only in connexion with
David's flight from Jerusalem as the residence of Shimei (ch. xvi. 5),
and the place where Jonathan and Ahimaaz hid themselves (ch. xvii.
18). It belonged to the tribe of Benjamin, and was on the road from
Jerusalem over the Mount of Olives to the Jordan fords. A Jewish
tradition in the Targum identifies it with Almon (Josh. xxi. 18), now
Almtt, about 4 miles N.E. of Jerusalem, and a mile beyond Anathoth
(Andta). According to this view, which is adopted by Lieut. Conder,
it was not on the main road through Bethany, but on a road which
leads across the saddle north of the principal summit of the Mount of
Olives.

17. And Abner had communicatioi{\ Better, Now Abner had had
communication, previously to the occurrence related in w. 15, 16.
The journey of v. 16 to escort Michal terminates in the visit to He-
bron oizK -20.

tuith the elders of Israel] The authorities of the northern tribes as
distinct from Judah. The elders were consulted as the representatives
of the people. Cp. i Sam. viii. 4, where see note on their various
functions.

Ye sought for David, &c.] It appears from this that there had been
from the first even among the northern tribes a party favourable to
David, whose opposition had only been overcome by Abner's strong
will and vigorous efibrts. This agrees with what we should naturally

vv. 19—22.] II. SAMUEL, III. 71

then do //.• for the Lord hath spoken of David, saying, By
the hand of my servant David I will save my people Israel
out of the hand of the Philistines, and out of the hand
of all their enemies. And Abner also spake in the ears of 19
Benjamin : and Abner went also to speak in the ears of
David in Hebron all that seemed good to Israel, and that
seemed good to the whole house of Benjamin. So Abner 20
came to David to Hebron, and twenty men with him. And
David made Abner and the men that were with him a feast.
And Abner said unto David, I will arise and go, and will 21
gather all Israel unto my lord the king, that they may
make a league with thee, and that thou mayest reign over
all that thine heart desireth. And David sent Abner away;
and he went in peace.

2 2 — 2 7. Abner treacherously murdered by Joab.
And behold, the servants of David and Joab came from 22

expect from the account of his popularity during Saul's reign (i Sam.
xviii. 5)- .

18. I will save my people] Tlie commission which had been given
to Saul (i Sam. ix. 16) was transferred to David. Again we have an
intimation that prophetic utterances respecting David's divine appoint-
ment to the throne were commonly known.

19. And Abner also spake, &c.] And Abner also had spoken, kc.
Beside the general communication with the elders of Israel* a special
and confidential negotiation had been entered into with the tribe of
Benjamin, which was the most likely to ofier opposition through fear of
losing dignity and advantage by the transference of the royal house to
the tribe of Judah.

all that seemed good to Israel] Their readiness to acknowledge
David as king, as well as conditions and demands which they wished
to make, for there was to be a "covenant" between hun and the people
(v. 21).

20. iiventy vien ivith him] They formed the official escort sent by
Ish-bosheth to convey Michal back to David, but were in all proba-
bility privy to the secret purpose of Abner's visit.

21. and will gather all Israel] A meeting of the national assembly
or "congregation of Israel" was requisite to accept David as king.
Cp. ch. v. I, and see note on i Sam. x. 17.

Abner] Observe the emphatic way in which Abner's name is
repeated vswv. 17 — ar, and not merely represented by pronouns. It
concentrates attention on the personality of this man who treats as the
agent for the transfer of a kingdom which his own energy has consoli-
dated.

72 II. SAMUEL, III. [vv. 23—27.

pursuing a troop, and brought in a great spoil with them :
but Abner was not with David in Hebron ; for he had

23 sent him away, and he was gone in peace. When Joab and
all the host that was with him were come, they told Joab,
saying, Abner the son of Ner came to the king, and he

24 hath sent him away, and he is gone in peace. Then Joab
came to the king, and said, What hast thou done ? behold,
Abner came unto thee ; why is it that thou hast sent him

25 away, and he is quite gone ? Thou knowest Abner the
son of Ner, that he came to deceive thee, and to know
thy going out and thy coming in, and to know all that thou

26 doest. And when Joab was come out from David, he sent
messengers after Abner, which brought him again from the

27 well of Sirah : but David knew it not. And when Abner
was returned to Hebron, Joab took him aside in the gate to
speak with him quietly, and smote him there wider the fifth
rib^ that he died, for the blood of Asahel his brother.

22—27. Abner treacherously murdered by Joab.

22. f7-07n pursuing a troop\ Lit. from the troop, i.e. from the foray,
or plundering expedition on which they had gone to procure supplies.
In the absence of taxes and regular pay, it was the only means of
supporting an army. Comp. David's practice at Ziklag (i Sam. xxvii.
8 ff.).

23. Wheit Joab, &c.] Probably Abner had intentionally chosen a
time for. his visit, when he knew that Joab was absent from Hebron.

24. he is quite gone'\ The Sept. reads "and he is gone in peace?
Dost thou not know the wickedness of Abner," &c.

25. thy goitig out and thy coming in] All thy movements and un-
dertakings. Cp. Deut. xxviii. 6; Ps. cxxi. 8; Is. xxxvii. ^S.

26. he sent messengers after Abner] No doubt in David's name,
pretending to recall him for a further interview. A message from
Joab would have excited Abner's suspicion, while on David's good
faith he could place entire reliance.

the well of Sirah] Rather more than a mile out of Hebron on the
old paved road to the north is a spring with a reservoir called Ain
Sareh, which is in all probability "the well of Sirah." This agrees
sufficiently well with Josephus' statement that it was twenty stadia or
two miles and a half distant from Hebron.

27. in the gate] Lit. into the midst of the gate, the space between
the inner and outer gateways. But the publicity of the city gate was
unsuited to a private conference, and the Sept. off'ers a more probable
reading, "took him apart by the side of the gate."

tinder the fifth rib] In the belly. See note on ii. 23.

for the blood of Asahel his brother] Since Abner had slain Asahel in

vv. 28—30.] II. SAMUEL, III. 73

28 — 30. The Curse of Blood-guiltiness.

And afterward when David heard it, he said, I and my 23
kingdom a7-e guiltless before the Lord for ever from the
blood of Abner the son of Ner : let it rest on the head of 29
Joab, and on all his father's house; and let there not fail
from the house of Joab one that hath an issue, or that is a
leper, or that leaneth on a staff, or that falleth on the sword,
or that lacketh bread. So Joab and Abishai his brother 30

self-defence (ch. ii. 23), Joab's act was not justifiable on the score of
blood-revenge. This was merely a convenient pretext for getting rid of
a dangerous rival. He foresaw that if he allowed Abner to have the
credit of placing the crown of Israel on David's head, he would lose
his own position and influence. Failing in his endeavour to persuade
David that Abner was playing him false, with characteristic unscrupu-
lousness he planned this deliberate and treacherous murder, as on a
later occasion he murdered his rival Amasa (ch. xx. 10).

28 — 30. The Curse of Blood-guiltiness.

28. / mid jny kingdom are guiltless] With a strong asseveration
David asserts his entire innocence of any complicity in this murder.
Neither upon himself personally nor upon "his kingdom," i.e. the royal
house, his descendants and successors, could punishment for sheddhig
this innocent blood justly fall. Cp. iKingsii. 31 — 33. For the doctrine
of a divine judgment which was certain to fall upon the murderer and
his posterity, "visiting the sins of the fathers upon the children," see
Gen. iv. 11; Deut. xxi. 6 — 9; Matt, xxiii, 35. Compare the Greek
belief in the avenging Furies -who dogged the murderer's steps.

29. let it resi] Let it fall. The Heb. word is a forcible one,
expressing the energy of David's indignation. It is used in Jer. xxiii.
19, XXX. 23, of the whirlwind of God's wrath falling upon the head of
the wicked.

one tliat hath an issue, or that is a leper] Pining away miserably
with incurable diseases, which not only made life a burden, but ren-
dered their victim ceremonially unclean, and excluded him from the
congregation of the Lord (Lev. xiii. 46).

that leaneth on a staff] A cripple, lame, or blind. The word trans-
lated j'/^means elsewhere distaff {Prov. xxxi. 19), and the phrase may
also be rendered as it is in the Vulgate " distaff holder " {tencns fiisiiui).
This would signify 'a weak, effeminate man, unfit for war,' as "Hercules
with the distaff" was the type of unmanly feebleness among the Greeks.
But this explanation seems forced, and the E. V. is supported by the
Sept. and Targum.

that falleth on the sword] Render, "by the sword." The E. V.
suggests the idea of suicide, but untimely death in battle or by the
hand of an assassin is meant.

74 n. SAMUEL, III. [vv. 31—35.

slew Abner, because he had slain their brother Asahel at
Gibeon in the battle.

3 1 — 39' Di^vid's lamentation for Abner.

31 And David said to Joab, and to all the people that were
with him, Rent your clothes, and gird you with sackcloth,
and mourn before Abner. And king David hi7Jiself ioWo^^d

32 the bier. And they buried Abner in Hebron : and the king
lift up his voice, and wept at the grave of Abner; and

33 all the people wept. And the king lamented over Abner,
and said,

Died Abner as a fool dieth ?

34 Thy hands were not bound,
Nor thy feet put into fetters :

As a man falleth before wicked men, so fellest thou.

35 And all the people wept again over him. And when all

30. sircv... slain'] Murdered Abner, because lie had slain, &c. The
words in the Heb. are different, and the first denotes the violent charac-
ter of the act. The Sept. however gives another reading, " Now Joab
and Abishai were lying in wait for Abner, because &c."

31 — 39. David's lamentation for Abner.

31. gird you with sackcloth] The practice of wearing garments of
the coarse darlc hair-cloth used for making sacks as a sign of mourning
was very ancient (Gen. xxxvii. 34). In cases of extreme grief or humi-
liation they were worn next the skin, but ordinarily outside the usual
tunic.

mourn before Abner] Preceding the bier in the funeral procession.

33. lamented] See note on ch. i. 17.

Died Abner as a fool dieth] Lit. As dies a fool should Abner die?
Was this ignoble death, befitting a fool, to be the fate of so brave a
warrior ?

34. Thy hands, &c.] Two explanations of these words seem pos-
sible; either (i) Thou hadst not committed any crime to deserve a
malefactor's punishment, but wast causelessly murdered by treacherous
enemies : or (2) How was it that thou wast slain while thy hands were
at liberty to defend thyself, thy feet free to escape by flight ? It was
because thou wast attacked unsuspectingly by treacherous enemies. In
the first case "fool" in v. 33 is equivalent to "miscreant." It is a
term which frequently in the O.T. implies moral worthlessness, wicked-
ness. Cp. Ps. xiv. I. The Targum here renders it "the wicked." In
the second case it means " an ignoble churl who cannot defend him-
self."

vv. 36— 39; I-] n. SAMUEL, III. IV. -js

the people came to cause David to eat meat while it was
yet day, David sware, saying, So do God to me, and more
also, if I taste bread, or ought else, till the sun be down.
And all the people took notice ofit^ and it pleased them: as 36
whatsoever the king did, pleased all the people. For all the 37
people and all Israel understood that day that it was not of
the king to slay Abner the son of Ner. And the king said 38
unto his servants, Know ye not that there is a prince and
a great man fallen this day in Israel ? And I am this day 39
weak, though anointed king ; and these men the sons of
Zeruiah be too hard for me : the Lord shall reward the doer
of evil according to his wickedness.

Ch. IV. 1—7. The Murder of Ish-hosheth.
And when Saul's son heard that Abner was dead in He- 4

35. to cause David to eat j?icat'] Fasting was the usual accompani-
ment of mourning. To shew his grief and his respect for Abner
David refused to eat until sunset, the regular time for terminating a
fast. Cp. ch. i. 12.

meat] Lit. bread. In Biblical English the word denotes food in
general, and is never restricted to its modern meaningyf^j-/^.

37. all the people and all Israel] Not only David's own subjects in
Judah, but the people of the northern kingdom, who must have been
specially aggrieved by the murder of their hero, recognised the sincerity
of David's grief, and acquitted him of all complicity in the act. If, as
seems probable {v. 26), Joab had abused the king's authority in order
to bring Abner back, it was doubly necessary for David emphatically
to repudiate the act, lest he should have been thought to have had
some part in instigating it.

38, 39. To his confidential servants David speaks his whole mind
freely. He feels that some apology is needed for leaving the authors of
this heinous crime unpunished. As an excuse for doing so he pleads
his youth and weakness. Though he had been anointed king, his king-
dom was as yet far from being securely established. He could not
dispense with his warlike nephews' help. He dared not order the
execution of his best general. Probably the army would have interfered
to prevent it. But he protests against their hardness and cruelty, and
declares that Joab will not escape the divine judgment for his crime.
"It was one of those moments in which a king, even with the best
intentions, must feel to his own heavy cost the weakness of everything
human and the limits of human supremacy." Ewald, Hist of Israel,
III. 117.

iveak] The same epithet is applied to Solomon in i Chr. xxix. i,
and to Rehoboam in 2 Chr. xiii. 7 (E. V. tender).

76 II. SAMUEL, IV. [vv. 2—4.

bron, his hands were feeble, and all the Israelites were

2 troubled. And Saul's son had two men that were captains
of bands: the name of the one was Baanah, and the name
of the other Rechab, the sons of Rimmon a Beerothite, of
the children of Benjamin : (for Beeroth also was reckoned

3 to Benjamin : and the Beerothites fled to Gittaim, and were

4 sojourners there until this day.) And Jonathan, Saul's son,
had a son that was lame of his feet, and was five years old
when the tidings came of Saul and Jonathan out of Jezrecl,

Ch. IV. 1 — 7. The Murder of Ish-bosheth.

1. his hands were feeble] His hands were weakened. His resolu-
tion was paralysed : he lost heart. Cp. Ezra iv. 4, and the opposite
expression in ch. ii. 7.

were troubled'] Were dismayed. Ish-bosheth was a mere puppet,
and Abner the real stay of the kingdom.

2. captains of bands] Leaders of predatory troops. See note on
ch. iii. 22.

of the children of Benjamin] The historian calls special attention to
the fact that Ish-bosheth's murderers belonged to his own tribe.

for Beeroth also, &c.] The object of this parenthesis is to explain
how these Beerothites came to be Benjamites. Beeroth was one
of the four Gibeonite cities, retained by their original Canaanite in-
habitants in virtue of the treaty made with Joshua (Josh. ix. 17). It
was however reckoned to belong to the tribe of Benjamin (Josh, xviii.
25), and had been occupied by Benjamites when its original inhabitants
deserted it. When and why they did so is unknown, but it has been
plausibly conjectured that they fled from Saul's massacre of the Gibeon-
ites (2 Sam. xxi. i, 2).

The site of Beeroth {=wells) is probably marked by the modern
village of El-Bireh { — the ivell), about 9 miles N. of Jerusalem. "It
is remarkable as the first halting-place of caravans on the northern road
from Jerusalem, and therefore not improbably the scene of the event
to which its monastic tradition lays claim — the place where the parents
of Jesus sought him among their kinsfolk and acquaintance, and when
they found him not, turned back again to Jerusalem." Stanley, Sinai
and Pal. p. 213.

3. Gittaim] A Benjamite town of this name is mentioned in Neh. xi.
33, but if the reason suggested above for the flight of the Beerothites is the
correct one, it can hardly be the same, as they would have chosen a
more distant refuge. The name is the dual form of Gath, meaning
"two wine-presses," which suggests that it may possibly have been in
PhiHstia.

4. And Jonathan, «&:c.] Before proceeding to narrate the murder
of Ish-bosheth, the historian inserts a remark which implies that with
his death the cause of Saul's house would necessarily become hopeless,
as its only other legitimate representative was a lame child of twelve
years old.

vv. 5,6.] II. SAMUEL, IV.

and his nurse took him up, and fled : and it came to pass,
as she made haste to flee, that he fell, and became lame.
And his name 7(^'as Mephibosheth. And the sons of Rim- 5
mon the Beerothite, Rechab and Baanah, went, and came
about the heat of the day to the house of Ish-bosheth, who
lay on a bed at noon. And they came thither into the midst 6

out of yezreel'\ Where the Israelite camp was pitched before the
fatal battle of Gilboa. See note on i Sam. xxix. i.

Afephiboshcth'] Called in i Chr. viii. ^^4, ix. 40, Alerib-haal. Bosheth
( = " shame") has been substituted for the detested name of Baal, as in
the name Ish-bosheth for Esh-baal. See note on ch. ii. 8. ]\Icrib-baal
means "one who contends with Baal:" Mephibosheth, "exterminator
of shame." For his subsequent history see chaps, ix., xvi., xix. 24 ff.

5. to the house of Ish-boshetJi\ At Mahanaim (ch. ii. 8).

^vho lay on a bed at nooni Or, as he was taking his midday sleep,
or siesta, according to the usual custom of hot countries. They chose
an hour when Ish-bosheth would be alone and defenceless.

6. And they catne, &c.] An explanation how it was possible for
Rechab and Baanah to enter Ish-bosheth's house unsuspected. They
came, as they may have been accustomed to do, to procure wheat for
their men from the king's granary.

The Heb. however may be otherwise rendered, "And hither [some
IMSS. read "and behold"] there came wheat-fetchers into the midst of
the house : " men whose business it was to draw the rations of wheat
from the granary. If this is the right rendering, the meaning is that
the murderers obtained entrance to the house by going in their company.

V. 7 appears at first sight to be a somewhat awkward repetition of v. 6.
But it is a peculiar feature of Hebrew historical writing to give a
general account of a fact first, and then to repeat it with additional
details. The murderers' entrance into the house, their deed, and their
escape are first briefly related : then the fact of their entrance is repeated
as an introduction to the fuller details of the scene and manner of the
murder, and the route by which the assassins escaped. Compare the
double mention of Joab's return to Hebron in ch. iii. 22, 23 ; and of
the national assembly at Hebron in ch. v. i, 3; and note on ch.xiii. 38.
The Sept. however has the following entirely different reading, which
is found also in some MSS. of the Vulgate in addition to the rendering
of the present Heb. text, but apparently was not retained by Jerome him-
self. "And behold the portress of the house was cleaning wheat, and
she slumbered and slept; and the brothers Rechab and Baanah came
unobserved into the house. Now Ish-bosheth was sleeping on the bed
in his chamber: and tliey smote him," &c. This also explains how the
murderers entered unobserved. The female slave who watched the door
(77 dvfiwpbs, cp. John xviii. i6, Acts xii. 13) had fallen asleep over her
task of sifting^ or picking the wheat, and there was no one to give the

* Cp. Amos ix. 9. An illustration of a Bethlehem woman siftino; wheat is given
in Neil's Palestine Exp'ored, p. 246. He says that it is a process constantly going
on and forming a marked feature of Palestine life.

78 II. SAMUEL, IV. [vv. 7— ii.

of the house, as though they would have fetched wheat;
and they smote him under the fifth rib : and Rechab and

7 Baanah his brother escaped. For when they came into the
house, he lay on his bed in his bedchamber, and they smote
him, and slew him, and beheaded him, and took his head,
and gat them away through the plain all night.

8 — 12. The Pimishment of the Murderers by David.

8 And they brought the head of Ish-bosheth unto David to
Hebron, and said to the king, Behold the head of Ish-bosheth
the son of Saul thine enemy, which sought thy life; and the
Lord hath avenged my lord the king this day of Saul, and

9 of his seed. And David answered Rechab and Baanah his
brother, the sons of Rimmon the Beerothite, and said unto
them. As the Lord liveth, who hath redeemed my soul out

10 of all adversity, when one told me, saying, Behold, Saul is
dead, thinking to have brought good tidings, I took hold of
him, and slew him in Ziklag, who thought that I would have

ri given him a reward for his tidings : how much more, when

alarm. This reading gives a clear straightforward narrative, and cer-
tainly seems preferable to the repetitions of the present Hebrew text.
under the fifth rib'\ In the belly. See note on ch. ii. 23.

7. through the plain] By the way of the Arabah. See note on
ch. ii. 29. From Mahanaim to Hebron was a distance of about 80 or
90 miles.

8—12. The Punishment of the Murderers by David.

8. to the ki)ig\ Observe that Ish-bosheth is never honoured with
the title oi king.

thine enemy, which sought thy life] These words are to be referred
to Saul not to Ish-bosheth. Cp. i Sam. xxiv. 4, xxv. 29.

the Lord hath avenged] The murderers profanely represented them-
selves as the instruments of Providence. "They pretended piety and
loyalty, but they regarded nothing except their own interest." Words-
worth.

9. who hath redeemed, &c.] Compare the same oath in David's
mouth in i Kings i. 29. In this connexion it implies that one who
was under God's protection had no need to commit crimes for his
own defence.

10. whejt one told me, &c.] The Amalekite who pretended to have
slain Saul (ch. i. 2 ff.).

slezv him... who thought that I woidd have given him] Or, slew him
...to give him a reward, <S:c. In this case the expression is bitterly

vv. 12; I.] II. SAMUEL, IV. V. 79

wicked men have slain a righteous person in his own
house upon his bed? shall I not therefore now require his
blood of your hand, and take you away from the earth?
And David commanded Ins young men, and they slew 12
them, and cut off their hands and their feet, and hanged
them up over the pool in Hebron. But they took the
head of Ish-bosheth, and buried it in the sepulchre of Abner
in Hebron.

Ch. V. I — 5. David anointed Jzing over all Israel.
Then came all the tribes of Israel to David unto Hebron, 5

ironical. *He expected a reward, and I gave it him; but it was the
reward of death.'

11. a righteous person^ "A man who had done no one any harm,"
as Josephus says. His merits seem to have been negative rather than
positive.

require his hlood'\ Demand satisfaction for his murder. God is said
to "require blood," i.e. to avenge murder (Gen. ix. 5; Ps. ix. 12), and
in punishing the murderers David acted as His representative.

take you azvay from the earthy Rather, put you away out of the land.
The word is one specially used of removing evil or the guilt of evil from
the land (Deut. xix. 13, 19, &c.). The guilt of murder defiled the land
until expiated by the execution of the murderer (Num. xxxv. 33).

12. And David coi7imanded^ &c. ] Kitto compares the conduct of David
towards the murderers of his rival with that of Alexander the Great
towards Bessus, who murdered Darius, and of Caesar towards the
murderers of Pompey. It may be questioned whether they were
actuated by higher motives than "the traditional policy of rulers, who
thus provide that they shall be protected for the present, and afterwards
avenged" (Tac. Hist. I. 44), but David's indignation was doubtless
sincere.

ait off their hands and their feet] The hands which had been
stretched out against their master, the feet which had been "swift to
shed blood" and to seek reward, were exposed to view in the most
public and frequented spot in Hebron, for a spectacle and a warning.
Cp. Deut. xxi. 22. We may compare the practice, formerly in vogue in
this country, of exposing the heads and limbs of traitors on the city
gates.

over the pool] Possibly one of the two great reservoirs, "doubtless
of high antiquity," which are still to be seen at Hebron. See Robinson's
Bib I. Res. ii. 74.

Ch. V. 1 — 5. David anointed king over all Israel.
vv. I — 3 = 1 Chr. xi. i — 3.
1. Theti cajjie, &c.] It is probable that no long interval elapsed
between the death of Ish-bosheth and the election of David. "The

So II. SAMUEL, V. [vv. 2, 3.

and spake, saying, Behold, we are thy bone and thy flesh.

2 Also in time past, when Saul was king over us, thou wast
he that leddest out and broughtest in Israel : and the Lord
said to thee. Thou shalt feed my people Israel, and thou

3 shalt be a captain over Israel. So all the elders of Israel
came to the king to Hebron ; and king David made a
league with them in Hebron before the Lord : and they

consummation to which events in God's Providence had been leading
was now come. Saul and Jonathan, Abner and Ish-bosheth, were all
dead ; there was no one of the house of Saul capable of taking the lead;
David was already head of a very large portion of Israel ; the Philistines,
and perhaps the remnants of the Canaanites, were restless and threaten-
ing ; and it was obviously the interest of the Israelitish nation to unite
themselves under the sovereignty of the valiant and virtuous son of Jesse,
their former deliverer, and the man designated by the word of God as
their Captain and Shepherd." Speaker's Conin.

all the tribes of Israel] The ' congregation of Israel, ' or national
assembly composed of all the warriors of the nation above the age of
twenty who chose to come, met to elect David king. See note on
I Sam. X. 17.

we are thy bone and thy flesh] An expression denoting close relation-
ship in virtue of common descent. Cp. Gen. xxix. 14; Jud. ix. 1.

Three reasons, arranged in the order of their importance, are given
for electing David king : the tie of relationship : his proved capacity as
a military leader: the divine choice. The first and third correspond to
the precept of Deut. xvii. 15 : with the second compare ch. iii. 18.

2. thoic wast he that leddest out and broughtest in Israel] David
had won the good-will of the people as their leader in war. Cp. i Sam.
xviii, 5, 13, 16.

the Lord said to thee] See note on ch. iii. 9.

Thou shalt feed] Lit. "thou shalt shepherd''"' (LXX. iroifj-ave^s): a
natural metaphor to express the ruler's care for his people. It is used
by Greek poets, e.g. Homer, whose regular title for Agamemnon is
iroifirjv \aCov, "shepherd of the peoples." But it was especially appro-
priate in the case of David, who was taken from the sheepfolds of
Bethlehem to be the shepherd of Israel (Ps. Ixxviii. 70 — 72), as the
fishers of the Galilean lake were called to become "fishers of men"
(Matt. iv. 19), and (except perhaps in Gen. xlix. 24) it does not appear
to be used in the O.T. before his time.

captain] The title given to Saul in i Sam. ix. 16, (Sec, and to David
in I Sam. xxv. 30 (E.V. ruler).

3. all the elders of Israel] From v. i and i Chr. xii. 23 — 40 it is
evident that a general assembly of the nation, and not merely a few
delegates, met at Hebron : here the elders are particularly specified
because they acted as the representatives of the people in negotiating
with David. See note on i Sam. viii. 4, and cp. ch. iii. 17.

made a leagne with them] Cp. ch. iii. •ai. This 'league' was probably

w. 4—6.] II. SAMUEL, V. 8i

anointed David king over Israel. David was thirty years 4
old when he began to reign, and he reigned forty years. In s
Hebron he reigned over Judah seven years and six months,
and in Jerusalem he reigned thirty and three years over all
Israel and Judah.

6 — 10. The Capture of Jebiis.
And the king and his men went to Jerusalem unto the 6

a solemn contract in which the king on the one hand engaged to rule
according to the laws, and the people on the other hand promised him
their allegiance. Some kind of a charter, aefining the king's rights,
was in existence (i Sam. x. 25): and later on we find the people
demanding some limitation of these rights (i Kings xii. 3 ff). The
Israelite monarchy was not an absolute and irresponsible despotism.

before the Lord] The covenant was made as a solemn religious
ceremony, in the presence of the supreme King of Israel, whose vice-
gerent David was. Cp. i Sam. xi. 15.

they anointed David king\ For the third time. See note on ch.
ii. 4. In Chronicles is added ** according to the word of the Lord by
Samuel."

The book of Chronicles contains further interesting details about this
assembly at Hebron (i Chr. xii. 23 — 40). The numbers of fighting
men sent by each tribe are preser^ed, amounting to a total of nearly
350,000. Stress is laid on the unanimity of feeling, and the general
rejoicing with which David's anointing was celebrated in a three days'
festival.

4, 5. The compiler of Chronicles omits these verses here, but inserts
the substance of them in i Chron. xxix. 27.

4. thirty years old] The prime of life: the age at which the
Levites entered upon their duties (Num. iv. 3) : at which young men
commenced to take part in public business in Greece : at which Joseph
was made ruler over Egypt (Gen. xii. 46): at which Jesus Christ was
"anointed with the Holy Ghost" in His Baptism, and began His public
ministry (Lk. iii. 23).

6—10. The Capture of Jebus.
= I Chr. xi. 4 — 9.

6. to Jerusalem, &c.] The Chronicler paraphrases the text thus,
"to Jerusalem, which is Jebus, where the Jebusites were, the inhabit-
ants of the land." Writing after the Captivity, he felt it necessary to
explain how the Jebusites came to be dwelling in Jerusalem by a
reference to its ancient name of Jebus.

It is not a little remarkable that the metropolis of the Jewish
monarchy, the most sacred city in the world, does not take its place in
the history of the nation until a comparatively late period.

II. SAMUEL 6

82 II. SAMUEL, V. [vv. 7, 8.

Jebusites, the inhabitants of the land : which spake unto
David, saying, Except thou take away the blind and the
lame, thou shalt not come in hither : thinking, David can-

7 not come in hither. Nevertheless David took the strong

8 hold of Zion : the same is the city of David. And David
said on that day, Whosoever getteth up to the gutter, and

As the capital of the important Canaanite tribe of the Jebusites, it
bore the name oi Jebus. It was assigned to Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 28),
but, lying on the border, was first attacked by Judah (Jud. i. 8), and
afterwards by Benjamin (Jud. i. 21). The citadel was either never
taken, or soon recovered, for the Jebusites retained joint possession of
the city along with the children of Judah and Benjamin through the
period of the Judges and down to this time (Josh. xv. 6^; Jud. i. 21).

Political, civil, and military considerations pointed to Jerusalem as
the most suitable capital for the united kingdom.

{a) Its position within the territory of Benjamin yet close upon the
borders of Judah (or, as some think, and as may be indicated by the
passages quoted above, partly in one tribe, partly in the other), was
excellently adapted for binding together the two royal tribes, and con-
ciliating the good-will of Benjamin, without alienating Judah.

{b) Its situation was virtually central, not only with regard to these
two great tribes, but for the whole land. "It was on the ridge of the
backbone of hills, which extend through the whole country from the
Desert to the plain of Esdraelon. Every traveller who has trod the
central route of Palestine from north to south, must have passed through
the table-land of Jerusalem." Stanley's Sinai and Pal. p. 176.

{c) As a military post it was unrivalled. It stood on a rocky plateau
surrounded on three sides by deep ravines forming a natural fortress of
almost impregnable strength.

On the topography of Jerusalem see Additional Note vi. p. 239.

Except thou take away the blind and the lame, thoti shalt not come
in hither\ Render, Thou shalt not come in hither, but the blind and
the lame would repel thee; as much as to say, David, &c. So con-
fident were the Jebusites in the strength of their fortress, that they
boasted that a garrison of blind and lame men would be sufficient to
defend it.

This boast is omitted in Chron., probably as being obscure, and not
bearing directly upon the facts of the narrative.

7. Nevertheless] Heb. simply. And.

the strong hold of Zion] See Additional Note VI. p. 239.

8. Whosoever, &c.] An obscure and probably corrupt passage.
The E.V., which transposes the first two clauses and introduces an
apodosis from Chronicles, cannot be defended. The most probable
explanations, neither of them however free from serious objections,
are:

(1) Whosoever smiteth the Jebusite,
let him hurl down the precipice

V. 9-] n. SAMUEL, V. 83

smiteth the Jebusites, and the lame and the bHnd, that are
hated of David's soul, he shall be chief and captain. Where-
fore they said, The blind and the lame shall not come into
the house. So David dwelt in the fort, and called it the 9
city of David. And David built round about from Millo

both the lame and the blind,
hated of David's soul.

David bids his men give no quarter, taking up the words of the
Jebusites, and in derision calling their garrison "blind and lame."

(2) Whosoever smiteth the Jebusite,
let him reach the watercourse,
[and smite] both the lame and the blind,
hated of David's soul.

According to this rendering there is a reference to the way in which
the citadel, supposed by its defenders to be inaccessible, was to be
scaled, either by some waterworn gully in the rock, or through a sub-
terranean channel which had been constructed to supply the fortress
with water.

The author of the book of Chronicles either had a different text in
his original authority, or, more probably, omitted an expression which
was already obscure. He gives the passage thus : "Whosoever smit-
eth the Jebusites first shall be chief and captain. So Joab the son of
Zeruiah went first up, and was chief."

The Sept. reads; "Whosoever smiteth the Jebusite, let him slay
with the sword both the lame and the blind who hate David's soul."
The Vulg. gives a mere paraphrase : " For David had offered a reward
on that day to the man who should smite the Jebusite, and reach the
water-pipes of the houses, and remove the blind and lame who hated
David's soul. "

Wherefore they said] Wherefore they are wont to say : the regular
phrase for introducing a p?-overb. Cp. i Sam. xix. 24.

The blmd, &c.] This is understood by the Sept., which reads
"into the house of the Lord," and by the Vulgate, which renders
"into the Temple," to mean that the blind and lame were excluded
from the Temple- But this does not seem to have been the case,
although they were forbidden to minister (Lev. xxi. 18). The explana-
tion that it was a proverb applied to obnoxious persons, meaning "We
will not have disagreeable persons in the house," does not take account
of the origin of the saying. Probably it should be rendered as a kind of
exclamation: "Blind and lame! he cannot come into the house!"
i. e. the blind and the lame are sufficient to defend the fortress : he (the
assailant) cannot enter into it.

9. in the fort'\ In the strong hold, the same word as in v. 7, and
in I Chr. xi. 5 (E.V. castle).

Milld\ The MiUo. See Additional Note vi., p. 241.

6—2

84 II. SAMUEL, V. [vv. lo, ir.

TO and inward. And David went on, and grew great, and the
Lord God of hosts zvas with him.

1 1 — 1 6. David^s Palace and Family.
^^ And Hiram king of Tyre sent messengers to David, and

and inward^ Within or under the protection of the Millo, which
was the outermost defence of the city.

Chron. adds "And Joab repaired the rest of the city."

10. A7id David tvent on, and grew great\ = " So David waxed greater
and greater" in Chron. The E. V. obliterates the identity of the He-
brew. See Introd. p. 22, note i.

the Lord God 0/ hosts] See Additional Note i. to i Samuel, p. 235.

11—16. David's Palace and Family.
= 1 Chr. xiv. I — 7.

11. Hiram king of Tyre] In i Kings v. 10, 18, the name is spelt
Hirom, in Chron. Huram.

Josephus (against Apion i. 1 8) states, on the authority of Menander
of Ephesus, who wrote a history of Tyre based upon native Tyrian
documents, that Hiram, Solomon's ally and helper in building the
Temple, reigned thirty-four years. He also states that Solomon began
the Temple in the twelfth year of Hiram's reign. This Hiram there-
fore reigned only eight years contemporaneously with David, as the
Temple was begun in the fourth year of Solomon's reign.

But David's palace must have been built before the last eight years
of his reign. From ch. vii. 2 we learn that it was finished before he
conceived the plan of building the Temple, at a time when Solomon
was not yet born (ch. vii. 12: cp. i Chr. xxii. 9), and probably some
twenty-five years before the close of his reign.

If the statements of Menander and Josephus are accurate, we must
suppose that the Hiram here mentioned vi^as either the father or the
grandfather of Solomon's ally. His father is called by Menander Abi-
haal, but he may have borne both names, or the more familiar name of
his son may have been attached to him.

It is probable that the historian to some extent forsakes chronological
order, and places the account of David's palace-building and of his family
here by anticipation in proof of the statement oiv. 10. He must have
been too fully occupied at the beginning of his reign with the works
mentioned in v. 9, and with wars such as those against the Philistines
{vv. 17 — 25), to have had leisure for the luxury of palace-building.

Tyj'e] One of the two great cities of Phoenicia, celebrated for its
commerce, its mechanical skill, and its wealth. When the Israelites
entered Canaan, it was already noted for its strength (Josh. xix. 29).
Three causes co-operated to bring Phoenicia into close and friendly
relation with Israel, {a) The contiguity of the countries, and the
short distance between their capitals. From Tyre to Jerusalem by land
was scarcely more than 100 miles, so that intercourse was easy, {b)

w. 12— 14.1 TI. SAMUEL, V. 85

cedar trees, and carpenters, and masons: and they built
David a house. And David perceived that the Lord had 12
established him king over Israel, and that he had exalted
his kingdom for his people Israel's sake.

And David took him mo concubines and wives out of 13
Jerusalem, after he was come from Hebron : and there
were yet sons and daughters born to David. And these be 14
the names of those that were born unto him in Jerusalem ;

Similarity of language. Phoenician so closely resembles Hebrew, that
it must have been readily intelligible to the Israelites, {c) Tyre
depended upon Palestine for its supplies of wheat and oil, and in
return sent to Jerusalem its articles of commerce, and provided skilled
workmen for tlie buildings erected by David and Solomon.

cedar trees\ Felled no doubt in the forests of Lebanon, and brought
by sea to Joppa. Cp. 1 Chron. ii. 16. The cedar was the prince of
trees (Ps. civ. 16), tlie emblem of strength and stature and grandeur
(Ps. xcii. 12; Am. ii. 9; Ezek. xxxi. 3). Its timber was highly prized
for building on account of its durability. Other species of pine be-
sides the well-known cedar of Lebanon were probably included under
the general term cedar.

they built David a house'] Psalm xxx., which is entitled **A song
at the Dedication of the House," may possibly have been written to
celebrate the completion of this palace. If so, David had just reco-
vered from a severe illness, concerning which the history is silent.

12. Atid David perceived, &c.] The friendly co-operation of so
powerful a king as Hiram, and the success of his enterprises in general,
were unmistakeable proofs of divine favour.

13. took him mo concubines and wives'] In accordance with the
general custom of Oriental monarchs. The law of the king in Deut.
xvii. 17 imposes some limitation on the practice. See note on ch. iii. 5.

Mo as the comparative of many is an archaism which has dis-
appeared from modern editions of the Bible. It occurs frequently in
Shakespeare, e.g. Richard II., A. ii. S. i. 25^9, "Many moe of noble
blood."

14. A7td these, &c.] The list of David's sons is given again in
I Chr. iii. 5 — 8, as well as in i Chr. xiv. 4 — 7. The first four were
sons of Bathsheba, and as Solomon is always placed last it is natural
to suppose that he was the youngest. See note on ch. xii. 24.
Josephus distinctly calls him David's youngest son (Ant. VII. 14,
2). In I Chr. iii. Shammua is called Shimca, and Elishua appears
as Elishama, probably by a scribe's error. Both lists in Chron. insert
two more names, Eliphalet or Elpalet and Nogah. It is possible that
they are omitted here because they died in infancy, and that the second
Eliphalet was named after his dead brother. Bceliada in i Chr. xiv.
is another form for Eliada compounded with ^a^/=lord instead of
>?/=God.

Nothing is known of any of these sons except Solomon and Nathan.

86 II. SAMUEL, V. [vv. 15—19.

15 Shammua, and Shobab, and Nathan, and Solomon, Ibhar

1 6 also, and Elishua, and Nepheg, and Japhia, and Elishama,
and Eliada, and Eliphalet.

17 — 25. Two victories over the Philisti7ies.

17 But when the Philistines heard that they had anointed
David king over Israel, all the Philistines came up to seek
David ; and David heard of it, and went down to the hold.

18 The Philistines also came and spread themselves in the

19 valley of Rephaim. And David inquired of the Lord,

It was through the latter that Joseph traced his lineal descent from
David, according to the genealogy of our Lord given by St Luke
(iii. 31).

17—25. Two VICTORIES OVER THE PHILISTINES.
= I Chr. xiv. 8 — 16.

17. But tvJien the Philistines heard\ This Philistine invasion probably
followed soon after the capture of Jebus. The Philistines were alarmed
by the union of the Israelites under a king of proved vigour, who had
inaugurated his reign by a brilliant military achievement. They there-
fore mustered their whole force (cp. i Sam. xxix. i), for a strenuous
effort to crush him.

came up\ From the plains of Philistia to the highlands of Judah.

•went down to the hold'\ The word translated "hold" is the same as
that translated "stronghold" in v. 7, and "fort" in v. 9. But as
David "went down" to it, and "went up" from it into the valley of
Rephaim {v. 19), it cannot here mean the citadel of Zion. Most pro-
bably David wished to drive the Philistines back, and prevent them
from plundering his country, and marched down with his forces to his
old post at Adullam. The term "stronghold" is used of Adullam in
ch. xxiii. 14, and the incident there related may have happened in this
war. It was a strong position in the valley of Elah, one of the most
likely routes for an invading army from Philistia to take. See notes on
1 Sam. xvii. r, xxii. i. This view agrees with the general statement in
I Chron. that "he went out against them."

18. The Philistines also came'] But the Philistines came. Taking
a different route, perhaps by the Wady-es-Surdr and Beth-shemesh (see
note on i Sam. vi. 9), so as to avoid David and his army, they came
up and occupied "the valley of Rephaim," an open plain or upland
valley, stretching in a S.W. direction from the neighbourhood of
Jerusalem towards Bethlehem. Cp. Josh. xv. 8, xviii. 16 (E. V. the
valley of the giajits). It was famous for its fertile corn-fields (Is. xvii.
5). The name preserves a trace of the ancient gigantic race of the
Rephaim, to which Og the king of Bashan belonged (Deut. iii. 11.
Cp. Gen. xiv, 5; Josh. xvii. 15).

19. inquired of the Lord] Cp. i Sam. xxiii. 2, and note on
ch. ii. I.

w. 20—24.] n. SAMUEL, V. 87

saying, Shall I go up to the Philistines? wilt thou deliver
them into mine hand? And the Lord said unto David,
Go up : for I will doubtless deliver the Philistines into thine
hand. And David came to Baal-perazim, and David smote 20
them there, and said, The Lord hath broken forth upon
mine enemies before me, as the breach of waters. There-
fore he called the name of that place Baal-perazim. And 21
there they left their images, and David and his men burnt
them. And the Philistines came up yet again, and spread 22
themselves in the valley of Rephaim. And when David 23
inquired of the Lord, he said, Thou shalt not go up ; but
fetch a compass behind them, and come upon them over
against the mulberry trees. And let it be, when thou 24

20. as the breach of wafers] Isaiah calls the scene of the battle
"mount Perazim" (xxviii. 21). David, we may suppose, occupied
the hill, and swept down from it upon the Philistines in the plain below,
scattering them irresistibly as a mountain torrent swollen by a sudden
storm sweeps all before it and bursts through every obstacle in its
way.

Baal-perazim] Baal— owner ox possessor, so that the name signifies
** Place of breaches."

21. their images] Cp. i Sam. xxxi. 9 (E. V. idols). They brought
them into the field to ensure victory, as the Edomites appear to have
done (2 Chr. xxv. 14), and as the Israelites brought out the Ark (i Sam.
iv. 3)-

burnt them] Render, took them away, as spoil, perhaps to display
in his triumphal procession. According to i Chr. xiv. 12 he afterwards
burnt them, in compliance with the law of Deut. vii. 5, 25. The
E. V. here "burned them" is a gloss, adopted from the Targum
and the passage in i Chr. Thus the old disgrace of the capture of
the Ark by the Philistines was avenged.

23. Thou shalt not go up] The addition of the Sept. "to meet
them " is needed to complete the sense. This answer implies the same
question as in v. 19.

fetch a compass behind them] Go round to their rear. "Com-
pass" in old English means "circuit;" and **to fetch a compass"
means "to make a circuit or detour," "to go round."

In Chron. the same manoeuvre is described in different words: "Go
not after them : turn away from them and come upon them," &c.

mulberry trees] So the Jewish commentators explain the word bAcA
which is found only here and in the parallel passage of Chronicles.
Probably however a tree called bdcd by the Arabs, resembling the
balsam shrub, is meant. The name is derived from bdcdh, " to weep,"
from the tear-like sap which exudes when a leaf is torn off. "The
valley of Baca" (Ps. Ixxxiv. 6) may have been named from these trees,

11. SAMUEL, V. [v. 25.

hearest the sound of a going in the tops of the mulberry-
trees, that then thou shalt bestir thyself : for then shall the
Lord go out before thee, to smite the host of the Philis-
25 tines. And David did so, as the Lord had commanded
him ; and smote the Philistines from Geba until thou come
to Gazer.

and the Psalmist refers ta it with a play upon its etymological sig-
nificance, "valley of weeping."

24. the sound of a goingi The sound of marcMng". The cognate
verb is used of Jehovah "marching" (so to speak) before His people
in Jud. V. 4; Ps. Ixviii. 7; Hab. iii. 12. A rustling in the tops of the
trees like the marching of an army was to be the signal that Jehovah
Himself would lead David's army to victory. Cp. 1 Kings vii. 6.

bestir thyself ^ In Chron. less forcibly "go out to battle."
then shall the Lord go out before thec\ The use of the perfect tense
in the original gives an emphasis to the assurance. *' Then hatli
Jehovah gone forth before thee." The E. V. renders it rightly in
Chron.

25. from Gebd] The Sept. and Chron., as well as Is. xxviii. 21,
which almost certainly refers to this miraculous defeat of the Philistines,
all read Gibeon. This seems to be the true reading. Geba (see note
on I Sam. x. 5) was too far to the east: Gibeon (see note on ch. ii. 12)
was on the natural line of retreat northwards from the valley of
Rephaim to Gezer.

Gazer'] Rather, Gezer, a royal city of the Canaanites (Josh. xii. 12), be-
longing to the tribe of Ephraim, and assigned to the Kohathite Levites
(Josh, xxi. 21). Its Canaanite inhabitants retained possession of it
until the time of Solomon, when Pharaoh took it and presented it to
his daughter, Solomon's queen (i Kings ix. 16). It lay between the
lower Beth-horon and the sea (Josh. xvi. 3), and the name appears
to survive in Tell Jezar, a hill about 10 miles W.S.W. of Beth-horon,
and six miles E. of Akir (Ekron). M. Clermont Ganneau found there
two inscriptions in Hebrew character, which he reads "Boundary of
Gezer." Conder's Tent Work, i. 13. The Philistines were thus driven
right back into their own lowland plain.

The Chronicler concludes the account of these victories with the
words: "And the fame of David went out into all lands; and the
Lord brought the fear of him upon all nations."

Chap. VI. 1—23. The Translation of the Ark to Mount

ZiON.
= 1 Chr. xiii., xv., xvi.

This chapter records an important episode in David's reign. After
restoring the political unity of the nation, and consolidating it by the
establishment of his new capital, his next care was to make that capital
the centre of the national worship. With this object he prepared to

vv. I, 2.] II. SAMUEL, VI. 89

Ch. VI. I — 23. The Translation of the Ark to Mount Zion.

I — II. Removal of the A rk frofn Kirjath-jearim. Uzzah

s?nittenfor his irreverence.

Again, David gathered together all the chosen men of 6
Israel, thirty thousand. And David arose, and went with 2
all the people that were with him from Baale of Judah, to

convey thither the Ark, which had been left neglected at Kirjath-jearim
since its return from Philistia (i Chr. xiii. 3). But why did he not
also bring the Tabernacle into Jerusalem, and place the Ark in it?
The reason is perhaps to be found in the double high-priesthood which
had arisen during the latter years of Saul's reign. Abiathar officiated
in David's camp : Zadok, it would seem, ministered at Gibeon, whither
the Tabernacle was removed in all probability after Saul's massacre of
the priests at Nob. For the present David may have found it wisest to
recognise the two priests as of equal authority, and to acquiesce in the
separation of the Tabernacle and the Ark, allowing Zadok to continue
the sacrificial service at Gibeon (i Chr. xvi, 40), while he established
another service in Jerusalem before the Ark (i Chr. xvi. 37).

vv. I — 19 are the Haphtarah or lesson from the prophets appointed
to be read in the synagogue in connexion with Lev. ix. i— xi. 47. The
judgment upon Uzzah repeats the warning of the judgment upon Nadab
and Abihu.

Psalms ci., xv., Ixviii., xxiv., cxxxii., should be studied as illus-
trating and supplementing the history. See Introd. Ch. viii. p. 46.

1 — 11. Removal of the Ark from Kirjath-jearim. Uzzah
smitten for his irreverence.

1. Again, David gathered togelhef'] And David g-atliered together
again. "Again" refers either to the assembly convened for David's
coronation (ch. v. i — 3), or to the muster for the Philistine war recorded
in the verses immediately preceding (ch. v. 17—25).

A more elaborate account of David's preparations for this ceremony
is given in r Chr. xiii. i — 5. We are there told how David consulted
with the representatives of the people, and gathered a general assembly
of the whole nation. This important step towards the re-establishment
of religious worship must be a national act. The Chronicler's object
in writing leads him to give special attention to details of religious
organization, where the writer of Samuel is content to condense his
account into a single sentence. See Introd. Ch. iii. p. 22.

thirty thousand] The smallness of the number may be explained if
we suppose it to refer only to the " captains of thousands and hundreds
and every leader" mentioned in i Chr. xiii. i. A general assembly of
the people would have been much more numerous.

2. from Baale of yudah] Baale of Judah is generally supposed to be
another name for Kirjathfearirn, which is called Baalah in Josh. xv. 9 ;

go II. SAMUEL, VI. [v. 3.

bring up from thence the ark of God, whose name is called

dy the name of the Lord of hosts that dwelleth betweeji the

3 cherubims. And they set the ark of God upon a new cart,

and brought it out of the house of Abinadab that was in

I Chr. xiii. 6, and Kirjath-Baal in Josh. xv. 60. Here the Ark had
remained since its return from the country of the Philistines (i Sam. vii.
I, 2). If the preposition "/;w«" is correct, we must assume that the
narrator passes over the journey to Kirjath-jearim, and speaks of the
return only : but this seems improbable, and most commentators emend
the text in accordance with i Chr. xiii. 6, and read *'to."

The ancient versions however do not take the words as a proper
name, but render them ^^ of the rulers" or ^^ of the men, ofjudah," the
word being the same as that translated ^*men" in ch. xxi. 12. If this
is right, the name of the place has dropped out from the text and must
be restored, so that the verse would read, "And David and all the
people that were with him of the rulers of Judah arose and went to
Baalah to bring up, &c." This appears to have been the reading found
by the LXX., though partly misunderstood by them, and has strong
claims to be considered as the true text.

The usual identification of Kirjath-jearim with Kuryet-el-enah (see
note on i Sam. vi. 21) has lately been called in question by Lieut.
Conder, who proposes to place it at ^Ernia, four miles E. of Ain
Shems (Beth-shemesh), on the edge of the Wady-es-Surar or Valley of
Sorek. The name ^ Erma corresponds to the form Aj'ifji, which took
the place of the original Jearim in later times (Ezra ii. 25) ; the dense
brushwood still clothing the hills agrees with the meaning of the
name "city of forests;" and the position suits the data much better
than the Kuryet-el-ettab site. See Pal. Expl. Fund Quart. Paper for
Oct. 1881, p. 261.

ivhose name, &c.] Better, wMch is called by the Name, the name
of Jehovah of Hosts, who sitteth enthroned upon the cherubim.
Cp. Deut. xxviii. 10 ; i Kings viii. 43. " The Name " is first written
absolutely, as at the end of Lev. xxiv. 16, and then more fully defined
as "the name of Jehovah of Hosts." In later Jewish writings "the
Name " is commonly used to signify God, and especially as an equiva-
lent for the sacred name Jehovah which might not be pronounced.

The Ark is specially said to be "called by the name of Jehovah of
Hosts," because it was the symbol of the covenant between Jehovah
and Israel, and because it was the place where He chiefly chose to
manifest Himself by visible tokens to His people. Cp. notes on
I Sam. iv. 4, 21 ; and for the meaning of the title "Jehovah of Hosts"
see Additional Note i. to i Sam. p. 235.

3. set the ark] Lit. made the ark to ride.

upon a new cart] Not desecrated by common uses. Cp. i Sam.
vi. 7. This was however a breach of the Levitical law, which pre-
scribed that the Ark should be borne upon the shoulders of the Levites
(Num. iii. 29—31, vii. 9).

vv. 4— 6.] II. SAMUEL, VI. 91

Gibeah : and Uzzah and Ahio, the sons of Abinadab, drave
the new cart. And they brought it out of the house of 4
Abinadab which was at Gibeah, accompanying the ark of
God : and Ahio went before the ark. And David and all s
the house of Israel played before the Lord on all manner
of instriivienis made o/fir wood, even on harps, and on psal-
teries, and on timbrels, and on cornets, and on cymbals.

in GibeaJi] Rather, on the hill, as the same word is correctly trans-
lated in I Sam. vii. i. Some eminence in or near Kirjath-jearim is
meant.

Uzzah and Ahio, the sons of Abinadab] The Ark had been in the
house of Abinadab for seventy or eighty years — twenty during the
Philistine oppression, forty or fifty under Samuel and Saul, and perhaps
ten of David's reign. See the Chronological Table in the Introd. to
I Sam. p. 24.

As Eleazar the son of Abinadab was old enough to be entrusted with
the charge of the Ark when it was placed in his father's house, we
must clearly understand "sons" here in the wider sense of "descend-
ants," grandsons or great-grandsons. Cp. ch. ix. 9.

3, 4. The text of these verses is corrupt. Some words have been
accidentally repeated by a scribe in copying the Hebrew, and should
be struck out, on the authority of the LXX., and the end oi v. 3 and
V. 4 read thus: "Now Uzzah and Ahio the sons of Abinadab were
driving the cart with the Ark of God, and Ahio was going before the
Ark." V. 4 is omitted altogether in i Chr. It is doubtful moreover
whether Ahio is a proper name at all. The same consonants with
different vowels would mean his brethren, as the Sept. renders the word
here, or his brother, as the Vulg. renders it in i Chr. xiii. 7.

6. played] The word denotes a dance accompanied by music, such
as frequently formed part of a religious festival. Cp. i Sam. xviii. 7.

on all manner ^instruments made oi fir wood] The expression is a
strange one, and the text seems to be corrupt. Probably we should adopt
the reading of the parallel passage in i Chron., with all their might
and with songs. The Hebrew words are very similar, and the Sept.
text here, though interpolated in its present form, supports the change.

even on harps, &c.] The harp (Heb. kinnor) and psaltery (Heb.
nebel) were stringed instruments, the exact form of which is unknown ;
the timbrel, also called the tabret, (Heb. toph) was a tambourine or
hand drum. The etymology of the word translated cornet, which
occurs here only, shews that it denotes some kind of instrument which
was played by being shaken, perhaps similar to the sistrum of the
Egyptians, which consisted of rings hung loosely on iron rods, so as to
make a tinkling sound when shaken. See the engravings in Wilkinson's
Ancient Egyptians, Vol. I. p. 497 ff. Chron. reads "trumpets" which
probably suggested the misrendering of the E.V. Cymbals were plates
of metal, held in each hand, and played by being clashed together.

93 II. SAMUEL, VI. [vv. 6—8.

6 And when they came to Nachon's threshingfloor, Uzzah
put forth his hand to the ark of God, and took hold of it ;

7 for the oxen shook it. And the anger of the Lord was
kindled against Uzzah ; and God smote him there for his

8 error ; and there he died by the ark of God. And David

6. Nachon's threshmgfloor'\ There is nothing to shew where this
place was. It is called in i Chr. xiii. 9, the threshingfloor of Chidon.
It may have been known by both names, but more probably one of the
two forms is due to corruption of the text.

for the oxen shook it\ This is the most probable explanation of an
obscure word. The Ark seemed to be on the point of falling from the
cart, owing to some sudden start or stumble of the oxen, or the rough-
ness of the road.

7. for his e7'ror'\ The Hebrew word occurs nowhere else, but if genuine,
may best be rendered thus, or as in the margin, for his rashness. The
reading of Chronicles, "because he put his hand to the ark," sounds
like a substitution for an expression, which had already become obscure.

God smote him therefor his e7'roi''\ As before at Beth-shemesh (i Sam.
vi. 19), an act of irreverence towards the Ark was punished with death.
Such a penalty for a well-meant and natural action seems to us at ftrst
sight strangely severe. But it must be remembered that one of the
great lessons which the nation of Israel had to learn was the unap-
proachable Majesty of the holy God. The Ark was the symbol of His
presence, and the Levitical ordinances were designed to secure the
strictest reverence for it. It was to be carried by the Levites, but they
might not come near until it had, been covered by the priests, nor touch
it except by the staves provided, for the purpose, upon pain of death
(Num. iv. 5, 15, 19, 20). It is probable that Uzzah was a Levite, and
if so, he ought to have known these injunctions : but in any case, as
the Ark had been under his charge, he ought to have made himself
acquainted with them. Perhaps he had come to regard the sacred
symbol which had been in his house so long with undue familiarity.
Nor was David free from blame in allowing such a neglect of the Law.
The occasion was an important one. It was the first step in the in-
auguration of a new era of worship, in the newly established capital
of the kingdom ; and if these breaches of the divine ordinances had
been left unpunished, the lessons they were intended to teach might
have been neglected. Uzzah's death was necessary for a solemn warn-
ing to David and the people. "By this severe stroke upon the first
violation of the law, God impressed a dread upon the hearts of men,
and gave a sanction to His commands that no man should attempt
tipon atiy preterice whatever, to act in defiance of his Law, or boldly to
dispense with what God has established." (Bp. Sanderson, quoted by
Bp. Wordsworth.)

If such reverence was due to the symbol, wdth how much greater
reverence should the realities of the Christian Covenant be regarded ?
See Heb. x. 28, 29.

w. 9—12.] II. SAMUEL, VI. 93

was displeased, because the Lord had made a breach upon
Uzzah : and he called the name of the place Perez-uzzah to
this day. And David was afraid of the Lord that day, and 9
said, How shall the ark of the Lord come to me? So 10
David would not remove the ark of the Lord unto him into
the city of David : but David carried it aside into the house
of Obed-edom the Gittite. And the ark of the Lord h
continued in the house of Obed-edom the Gittite three
months: and the Lord blessed Obed-edom, and all his
household.

12 — 19. Re7noval of the Ark from the house of Obed-edom
to Jerusalein.

And it was told king David, saying. The Lord hath 11
blessed the house of Obed-edom, and all that pertaineth
unto him, because of the ark of God. So David went and

8. was displeased] The same word is used in i Sam. xv. 11 (E.V.
// grieved Sa7?iuel) to denote vexation akin to anger.

made a breach] Broke forth upon Uzzah: the same verb as in ch.
V. 20 : used in a precisely similar sense of a sudden divine judgment in
Ex. xix. 22, 24.

10. Obed-edom the Gittite] Obed-edom was a Levite belonging to
the family of the Korahites, who were descended from Kohath (i Chron.
xxvi. I, 4 — 8; Num. xvi. i). He is called a Gittite probably because
he was a native of the Levitical city of Gath-rimmon, in Dan or
Manasseh, which was assigned to the Kohathites (Josh. xxi. 24, 25).
Thus there was an appropriateness in his being chosen to take charge of
the Ark, since he belonged to the family which was originally appointed
to carry it from place to place (Num. iv. 15). The site of Gath-rimmon
is not determined, but it seems to have been further from Jerusalem
than Kirjath-jearim, and this appears to indicate either that Obed-edom
had removed from his native place and was living near Jerusalem, or
that "Perez-uzzah" was not far from Kirjath-jearim, and that the
special fitness of Obed-edom to take charge of the Ark induced David
to take it to his house, though at a greater distance from Jerusalem.

The name Obed-edom {-^servant of Edom) is peculiar. It may
possibly refer to the servitude of some member of the family to the
Edomites.

12—19. Removal of the Ark from the house of Obed-
edom TO Jerusalem.

12. So David went] Some Latin and a few Greek MSS. soften the
abruptness of the text by inserting before this sentence the words,
"And David said, I will go and bring back the Ark with blessing unto
my house;" but they are in all probability only a gloss.

94 n. SAMUEL, VI. [vv. 13—17.

brought up the ark of God from the house of Obed-edom

13 mto the city of David with gladness. And it was so, that
when they that bare the ark of the Lord had gone six paces,

14 he sacrificed oxen and fatUngs. And David danced before
the Lord with all his might ; and David was girded with a

15 linen ephod. So David and all the house of Israel brought
up the ark of the Lord with shouting, and with the sound

16 of the trumpet. And as the ark of the Lord came into the
city of David, Michal Saul's daughter looked through a
window, and saw king David leaping and dancing before

17 the Lord ; and she despised him in her heart. And they
brought in the ark of the Lord, and set it in his place, in
the midst of the tabernacle that David had pitched for it :

•with gladness] i. e. festal rejoicings ; jubilant shouts and songs.

13. they that bare the ark of the Lord] The requirements of the law
were now duly observed, as is recorded at length in i Chr. xv., where
further details are given about the preparation of a tent to receive the
Ark, the number of Levites who took part in the ceremony, and the
arrangements for the music which accompanied the procession.

had gone six paces'] As soon as the procession had started on its way,
without any sign of the divine displeasure, David offered a sacrifice as a
thank-offering for the prosperous commencement, and an intercession
for the successful completion, of his undertaking. Cp. i Chr. xv. 26,
"And it came to pass, when God helped the Levites that bare the Ark
of the covenant of the Lord, that they offered seven bullocks and seven
rams."

14. David danced] The dances which were the usual expression of
rejoicing on occasions of national thanksgiving (Ex. xv. 20, 21 ; Jud. xi.
34) and religious festivals (Ps. cxlix. 3, cl. 4) were generally performed
by women only. David's enthusiasm did not fear to transgress the
limits of conventional propriety.

before the Lord] For the Ark was the symbol of Jehovah's presence.

a linen ephod] David laid aside his royal robes and appeared in the
distinctive dress of a priest. As the head and representative of "a
kingdom of priests" (Ex. xix. 6), the king possessed a priestly character;
and David on this occasion exercised priestly functions in directing the
sacrifices, even if he did not offer them himself {vv. 17, 18), and in
blessing the people [v. 18). See Introd. ch. vii. p. 43.

16. leaping and dancing] Two peculiar words, the first found here
only, the second only here and in v. 14, are used to denote the special
modes of dancing anciently employed in religious solemnities. In
I Chron. xv. 29 two verbs in ordinary use have been substituted,
shewing that these distinctive terms had become obsolete.

she despised him] The proud daughter of the house of Saul was
incapable of appreciating the honour of humility.

vv. 18—20.] II. SAMUEL, VI. 95

and David oifered burnt offerings and peace offerings before
the Lord. And as soon as David had made an end of ^s
offering burnt offerings and peace offerings, he blessed the
people in the name of the Lord of hosts. And he dealt 19
among all the people, even among the whole multitude of
Israel, as well to the women as men, to every one a cake of
bread, and a good piece of fleshy and a flagon of wine. So
all the people departed every one to his house.

20 — 23. MicJiaVs contemptuous pride rebuked by David.

Then David returned to bless his household. And Michal 20
the daughter of Saul came out to meet David, and said, How

17. the tabernacle\ Rather, the tent, as in i Chr. xv. i. The
tabernacle proper was at Gibeon (i Chr. xvi. 39).

18. burnt offerings and peace offerings] The ''burnt offerings" were
dedicatory, the "peace offerings" eucharistic. The latter furnished the
festival meal for the assembled people (Lev. vii. 15). Compare Solo-
mon's sacrifices at the dedication of the Temple (i Kings viii. 62 — 65).

he blessed the people in the name of the Lord of hosts'] As Solomon
did (i Kings viii. 14, 55). "The name of the Lord "signifies "Jehovah
as He has revealed Himself to men," and *'to bless in the name of the
Lord" signifies 'to invoke from Jehovah such blessings as He coven-
ants to give in accordance with His revelation of Himself.' Cp. Ps.
cxxix. 8.

19. dealt] In the old sense of divided or distributed, from A. S. dcelan^
to distribute, from which comes dole, a portion dealt out. Cp. Is. Iviii.
7; Rom, xii. 3.

a cake of bread] The Heb. word for cake occurs elsewhere only in
the Pentateuch, and is always applied to cakes prepared for sacrificial
purposes.

a good piece of flesh] The word is only found elsewhere in the parallel
passage of i Chr., and is of uncertain meaning. The most probable
conjectures are (i) a piece of roast meat (Vulg.) ; (2) a portion of flesh;
(3) a measure of wine.

a flagon of wine] More probably, a cake of raisins.

20 — 23. MiCHAL'S CONTEMPTUOUS PRIDE REBUKED BY DAVID.

20. And Michal, &c.] The account of David's meeting with Michal
is omitted in i Chr.

Hoiv glorious, &c.] Better, How honourable did the king- of Israel
make himself to-day. The E. V. weakens the point of David's answer
in V. 11 by translating the same Hebrew word differently in the two
verses.

95 11. SAMUEL, VI. [vv. 21—23.

glorious was the king of Israel to day, who uncovered him-
self to day in the eyes of the handmaids of his servants, as
one of the vain fellows shamelessly uncovereth himself!

21 And David said unto Michal, // was before the Lord,
which chose me before thy father, and before all his house,
to appoint me ruler over the people of the Lord, over

22 Israel : therefore will I play before the Lord. And I will
yet be more vile than thus, and will be base in mine own
sight : and of the maidservants which thou hast spoken of,

23 of them shall I be had in honour. Therefore Michal the
daughter of Saul had no child unto the day of her death.

who uncovered himself, &c.] Stripped off his royal robe, and appeared
in a plain ephod, as a worthless buffoon strips off his outer garment to
play immodest antics.

vain'\ = ' empty, ' ' worthless.'

21. It was before the Lord] Before tlie LORD, who chose me rather
than thy father, &c....yea I will play before the LORD. "Before the
Lord" stands emphatically at the beginning' of David's answer. No
service offered to the God to whom he owed all his advancement could
be degi-ading. Thus he defends his own conduct, and at the same
time he humbles Michal's pride by alluding to Saul's rejection.

The Sept. (B) reads, "Before the Lord will I dance: blessed be the
Lord who chose, &c."

It is related of Sir Thomas More that he used, even when Lord
Chancellor, to put on a surplice and sing in his parish church at Chelsea.
The Duke of Norfolk one day found him doing so, and expostulated with
him: "A parish clarke, lord chancellour, a parish clarke! you dis-
honour the King and his office." "Nay," quoth Sir Thomas, smiling
upon the duke, "your grace may not thinke that the King, your maister
and myne, will be offended with men for serving of God his Maister ;
or by this my present behaviour account his office dishonoured." Words-
worth's Eccles. Biogr. II, p. 68.

ruler'\ See note on "captain" in ch. v. 2.

22. And I will yet, &c.] And I will make myself yet more con-
temptible than this, and will be himible in mine own eyes. Michal
had taunted David with degrading himself in the eyes of the meanest
servants. He replies that even if he humbled himself yet more deeply,
instead of priding himself on his royal dignity, they would continue to
honour him.

23. Therefore Michal'\ Simply, And Michal. She was condemned
to the reproach of childlessness, the sharpest privation to an Oriental
woman. Cp. Gen. xxx. i; i Sam. i. 5.

w. 1—3.] II. SAMUEL, VII. 97

Ch. VII. I — 29. The Promise of Perpetual Dominion to the
house of David.

I — 3. David^s desire to build a house for the Lord.

And it came to pass, when the king sat in his house, and 7
the Lord had given him rest round about from all his
enemies ; that the king said unto Nathan the prophet, See 2
now, I dwell in a house of cedar, but the ark of God
dwelleth within curtains. And Nathan said to the king, 3
Go, do all that is in thine heart ; for the Lord is with thee.

Ch. VII. 1 — 29. The Promise of Perpetual Dominion to

THE HOUSE OF DaVID.

= 1 Chr. xvii. Cp. Ps. Ixxxix. 19 — 37.
1—3. David's desire to build a house for the Lord.

1. when the king sat in his honse] When the king dwelt in his
house, which he had built in the "city of David" (ch. v. 9, 11 ; i Chr.
xiv. i). At what period of his reign David formed this resolution to
build a temple cannot be exactly determined. On the one hand the
emphatic words "when the Lord had given him rest round about from
all his enemies " (cp. v. 9) seem to point to a time after some at least of
the wars recorded in ch. viii. On the other hand it was before the
birth of Solomon (v. 12), and so cannot be placed in the latter years of
his reign. The arrangement of the book is not strictly chronological,
and this narrative fmds a most suitable place here from its close con-
nexion with the subject of the preceding chapter.

2. Nathan the prophefX The first mention of one of the most
eminent men in the reigns of David and Solomon. It was he who
rebuked David for his sin with Bathsheba (ch. xii. i ff.) ; who became
Solomon's tutor (ch. xii. 25, note), and took a leading part in securing his
succession to the throne (i Kings i. 22 ff. ) ; who wrote a history of the
reign of David and of part at least of the reign of Solomon (i Chr.
xxix. 29 ; 2 Chr. ix. 29), from which in all probability a large portion
of the books of Samuel, Kings, and Chronicles, is derived.

within curtains'] The term applied in Ex. xxvi. i ff., xxxvi. 8 ff.,
to the coverings of the tabernacle.

4 — 17. The Lord's message to David.
The connexion of thought in vv. 5 — 13 is as follows : " Thoti shalt not
build a house for Me (5 — 7), but /, who have chosen thee to be the
ruler of my people, will build an house /^r thee (8 — 11), and thy
son shall erect an house for me" (12, 13). The reasons why David's
zeal was thus checked must be carefully considered. The unsettled
condition of the nation had made a fixed sanctuary impossible hitherto,
and even now the time for it was not yet fully come. The house of
David must be firmly established and peace secured, before this great
II. SAMUEL '7

98 II. SAMUEL, VII. [vv. 4—8.

4 — 1 7. The Lord's message to David.

4 ■ And it came to pass that night, that the word of the Lord

5 came unto Nathan, saying, Go and tell my servant David,
Thus saith the Lord, Shalt thou build me a house for me

6 to dwell in ? Whereas I have not dwelt in any house since
the time that I brought up the children of Israel out of
Egypt, even to this day, but have walked in a tent and in a

7 tabernacle. In all the places wherein I have walked with all
the children of Israel spake I a word with any of the tribes
of Israel, whom I commanded to feed my people Israel,

8 saying, Why build ye not me a house of cedar? Now
therefore so shalt thou say unto my servant David, Thus

step in the history of the national religion could be advantageously
taken. Again, David was not to build the house "because he had
shed much blood, and had made great wars" (i Chron. xxii. 8,
xxviii. 3).

Thus personally David was not the fitting man to build the temple,
though he is not blamed for wars which were a necessity of the time ;
and the very fact that he had to wage these wars, shewed that the time
for building the temple had not come, because the kingdom was not yet
firmly established.

4. the zvord of the Lord came tmto Nathan'] Observe the clear
distinction between Nathan's own judgment, which approved David's
resolution, and the divine message which he was commissioned to
deliver to David.

5. 7ny servant David] Any Israelite might call Himself God's
servant in addressing God : but only a few who were raised up to do
special service, such as Moses and Joshua, are honoured by being thus
distinctively styled "Servants of Jehovah." See Introd. p. 44.

Shalt thou build] Thou is emphatic. The question of course is
equivalent to a negative.

7. with any of the tribes of Israel] i Chr. xvii. 6 reads jtidges for
tribes^ and at first sight this appears to be required by the following
words, "whom I commanded," &c., which seem more applicable to an
individual ruler than to a tribe. But the reading "tribes" is supported
by the versions, and may be understood of the different tribes which
through the Judges and leaders chosen from them successively attained
the supremacy, as Ephraim in the time of Joshua, Dan in the days of
Samson, Benjamin in the reign of Saul. Compare David's expression
in I Chr. xxviii. 4, "he hath chosen Judah to be the ruler," and the
reference to the choice of the tribe of Judah and the rejection of the
tribe of Ephraim in Ps. Ixxviii. 67, 68.

to feed] To tend, as a shepherd tends his sheep. Cp. note on ch. v. 2.

a house of cedar] Cp. v. 1. A permanent sanctuary with beams
of the most costly timber. See note on ch. v. 11.

vv. 9—12.] II. SAMUEL, VII. 99

saith Ihe Lord of hosts, I took thee from the sheepcote,
from following the sheep, to be ruler over my people, over
Israel : and I was with thee whithersoever thou wentest, 9
and have cut off all thine enemies out of thy sight, and
have made thee a great name, like unto the name of the
great men that are in the earth. Moreover I will appoint a lo
place for my people Israel, and will plant them, that they
may dwell in a place of their own, and move no more ;
neither shall the children of wickedness afflict them any
more, as beforetime, and as since the time that I com- u
manded judges to be over my people Israel, and have caused
thee to rest from all thine enemies. Also the Lord telleth
thee that he will make thee a house. And when thy days 15
be fulfilled, and thou shalt sleep with thy fathers, I will set
up thy seed after thee, which shall proceed out of thy

8. from the sheepcote] Rather, from tiie pasture. Cp. Ps. Ixxviii.
70, 71.

to be rider] Cp. ch. v. 2, vi. 21.

10. Alorcovcr I will appoint] It is probably best to take the verbs
here as perfects: And I have appointed... and have planted them, and
they dwell in their own place. For the metaphor of plantuig^ comp.
Ex. XV. 17; Ps. xliv. 2.

and move no more] Better, and shall not be disturbed any more.

the children of wickedness] Sons of wickedness = wicked men. Cp.
Ps. Ixxxix. 22.

10, 11. as beforetime, and as since the tijne] It is best to connect
the first clause of z'. 11 with v. 10. Beforetime refers to the beginning
of the nation's history in Egypt ; since, &c. to the various oppressions
they had suffered from the beginning of the period of the Judges down
to the present.

and have caiised thee to rest] And have given thee rest, as in v. i ;
to be connected with the verbs at the beginning of v. 10, / have
appointed. ..and have planted the?n.

Also, &c.] Or, And the Lord hath told thee, referring to the
communications made to David by Samuel. Cp. i Sam. xxv. 28.

12. And when] And is not in the Hebrew text ; perhaps and it
shall come to pass, which is found in the LXX., has dropped out.
Nathan now passes on from recounting God's past mercies to Israel and
David to a direct prophecy concerning the establishment of David's
house.

I zvill set up thy seed] First Solomon, who recognises the fulfilment
of this promise in his elevation to the throne (r Kings viii. 15 — 20) ; then
the line of David's descendants who succeeded him on the throne of
Judah; and finally Christ, in whom the prophecy reaches its highest
fulfilment. See Luke i. 31 — 33 ; Acts ii. 29 — 31; xiii. 22, 23.

loo II. SAMUEL, VII. [vv. 13—16.

13 bowels, and I will establish his kingdom. He shall build a
house for my name, and I will stablish the throne of his

14 kingdom for ever. I will be his father, and he shall be
my son. If he commit iniquity, I will chasten him with
the rod of men, and with the stripes of the children of men :

15 but my mercy shall not depart away from him, as I took it

16 from Saul, whom I put away before thee. And thine house
and thy kingdom shall be stablished for ever before thee :

13. for my 7iame\ The Name of God signifies God Himself so far
as He has revealed and manifested Himself to men. His promise
concerning the Temple was that He would "put His name there," that
is, that He would be present and reveal Himself there in an especial
manner. See i Kings viii. 29, ix. 3.

slablis/i] A shorter form of establish, both words being derived from
Lat. stabili7'e. Cp. special and especial from species, state and estate from
status.

14. I will be his father and he shall he my so7z] The nation of Israel
is honoured with the lofty title of "Jehovah's son" (Ex. iv. 22 ;
Dent. xiv. i ; Hos. xi. i) ; and the king, as the representative of the
nation, enjoys the same distinction. This relationship implies, on the
part of God, the watchful care and love of a parent ; on the part of the
king, the duty of loyal trust and willing obedience. Cp. Ps. Ixxxix.
26, 27, where similar expressions are applied to David; Ps. ii. 7 ; and
I Chr. xxii. 9, 10, xxviii. 6, where David quotes this promise in
reference to Solomon, It finds its highest fulfilment in the mysterious
eternal relationship between God the Father and Christ the Son, with
reference to which these words are quoted in Heb. i. 5. See Introd. p. 43.

If he commit, &c.] A warning that this high dignity will not exempt
him from the danger of sin nor from its punishment. He will be chas-
tised, if need be, as men chastise their children to correct and reclaim
them. Cp. Ps. Ixxxix. 30 — 33, and i Kings xi. 34 — 36, 39.

15. shall not depart, &c.] Lit, shall not be taken away from Mm,
as I took it away from Saul, wliom I took away from before thee.
The three verbs belong to the same root. But there is perhaps some
error in the _ text, i Chr. xvii. 13 reads, "my mercy will I not take
away from him, as I took it away from him who was before thee;" and
the Sept. here has, "My mercy will I not take away from him, as I
took it away from them that I took away from before me. "

16. thy kingdom shall be stablished] Better, thy kingdom shall be
made sure. Two different words are translated "shall be stablished"
in this verse. The second corresponds to that in e;. 13 : the first is that
rendered in i Sam. ii. 35, ^^ Sl sure house, and in Is. Iv. 3, "the snre
mercies of David."

before thee] The explanation that "David is regarded as seeing all
his descendants pass before him in a vision," is forced, and it is best
to follow the LXX. in reading before me. This reading moreover
seems to be required by vv. 26 and 29.

r. 17, 18.] II. SAMUEL, VII.

thy throne shall be stablished for ever. According to all j
these words, and according to all this vision, so did Nathan
speak unto David.

1 8 — 2 9. David' s prayer and thanJzsgtving.

Then went king David in, and sat before the Lord, and ]
he said, Who am I, O Lord God ? and what is my house,

17. this visioii] The manner in which God's message was com-
municated to Nathan was by "a vision," in which his spiritual sight
Avas quickened to discern the truth. The word for "vision" is derived
from the same root as chozeh, one of the words translated 'seer' (see on
I Sam. ix. 9), and is distinguished as a method of revelation from a
'dream.' Cp. Is. i. r.

On the Messianic interpretation of this prophecy, see Additional
Note I. p. 233.

18 — 29. David's prayer and thanksgiving.

David's address to God consists of {a) humble thanksgiving for the
undeserved favour shewn to him and his house, vv. 18 — 21 ; {b) praise
for God's past manifestations of his glory in and to Israel, vv. 22 — 24;
(c) petition for the final fulfilment of the promise, vv. 25 — 29.

18. Then zuent king David in, and sat before the Lord] In the tent
where the Ark, the symbol of God's presence, was. As sitting does not
seem to have been a customary posture for prayer, some commentators
render tarried instead of sat. Others suppose that David sat to medi-
tate, and afterwards stood up to pray.

Who am /&c.] Cp. Jacob's language in Gen. xxxli. 10.

O Lord God] Whenever God is thus printed in small capitals, it
represents the sacred name Jehovah. From very ancient times the
Jewish practice in reading the Scriptures has been to substitute in place
of Jehovah Adonai, which means my Lord, or Lord ; or if the title
Adonai is joined with Jehovah, as here, Elohim, which means God.
The E.V. follows the Jewish practice in giving LORD and GOD, and
whenever they represent the name Jehovah indicates the fact by the
use of capitals. ''Lord GoD," which represents "my Lord Jehovah,"
must therefore be distinguished from "Lord God" {v. 25), which
represents "Jehovah Elohim," i.e. "Jehovah God." See Additional
Note II. on i Samuel, p. 236.

The appropriateness of this address "my Lord Jehovah" in David's
thanksgiving must be carefully noted. It is not merely an acknow-
ledgment of the Divine sovereignty in general, but expresses the con-
sciousness of belonging specially to God, and standing under His imme-
diate guidance and protection. See Oehler's Theology of the Old
Testatnent, I. 148. It is the correlative of the title "my servant" with
which God distinguishes David. It calls to mind St Paul's words "the
God whose I am, whom also I serve" (Acts xxvii. 23). Compare
Abram's use of it in Gen. xv. 2,8; and Moses' in Deut. iii. 24, ix. 26.

I02 II. SAMUEL, VII. [vv. 19—22.

19 that thou hast brought me hitherto ? And this was yet a
small thing in thy sight, O Lord God; but thou hast spoken
also of thy servant's house for a great while to come. And

20 is this the manner of man, O Lord God ? And what can
David say more unto thee? for thou, Lord God, knowest

21 thy servant. For thy word's sake, and according to thine
own heart, hast thou done all these great things, to make

22 thy servant know t/ie?n. Wherefore thou art great, O Lord
God : for there is none like thee, neither is tJiei^e any God
beside thee, according to all that we have heard with our

When he turns to praise God for his dealings with Israel in general,
David uses the ordinary title Jelioz'ah Elohim {v. 12), and retains it in
V. 25 at the beginning of his petition, as if to identify the covenant God
of Israel with the God to whom he makes his prayer : but in vv. 28, 29
he returns to the more familiar address of confident trust "my Lord
Jehovah. "

19. Ajtd is this the manner of pmn] It is best to understand these
difficult words as David's expression of humble astonishment at the
greatness of the honour destined for him and his house. Render, And
this is a law for men! i.e. this decree that my kingdom shall be esta-
blished for ever, is to be valid for weak human beings, such as myself
and my posterity ! Another explanation very con-nnonly adopted is,
yind this is the manne)' of man, viz. to speak so familiarly and conde-
scendingly as thou hast done to me; but the Heb. word is used nowhere
else in the sense of manner, and the whole context requires a reference
to the substance rather than to the manner of the communication.

The reading in i Chron. is quite different: "thou hast regarded me
according to the estate of a man of high degree." One or other of the
texts is perhaps corrupt.

20. than, Lord God, hnowest thy servant'] Words fail, and David
appeals to God's omniscience. Cp. Ps. xvii. 3, cxxxix. i — 4; John
xxi. 17.

21. For thy word''5 sake] To fulfil Thy promises made to me
through Samuel. The reading of I Chr. xvii. 19, and of the LXX.
here, is, for thy servants sake.

22. Wherefore thou art great] Since Thou hast done these great
things for me, I praise Thee and acknowledge Thy greatness. Cp.
Ps. XXXV. 27, xl. 16, xlviii. i.

for there is iione like thee, &c.} Cp. Ex. xv. 11; Deut. iii. 24, iv.
35; I Sam. ii. 2.

according to all, &c.] David passes from the evidence of God's
greatness derived from his own experience, to the evidence afforded
by the history of His dealings with Israel, handed down from father to
son by oral tradition. Cp. Ex. x. 2 ; Deut. iv. 9 ; Ps. xliv. i, ixxxvi.
8—10.

vv. 23— 27-] II. SAMUEL, VII. 103

ears. And what one nation in the earth is like thy people, 23
even like Israel, whom God went to redeem for a people to
himself, and to make him a name, and to do for you great
things and terrible, for thy land, before thy people, which
thou redeemedst to thee from Egypt, from the nations and
their gods ? For thou hast confirmed to thyself thy people 24
Israel to be a people unto thee for ever; and thou, Lord,-
art become their God. And now, O Lord God, the word 25
that thou hast spoken concerning thy servant, and concern-
ing his house, establish // for ever, and do as thou hast
said. And let thy name be magnified for ever, saying. The 26
Lord of hosts is the God over Israel : and let the house of
thy servant David be established before thee. For thou, O =7

23. And what, &c.] For wliat, &c., a further reason for the last
statement. Cp. Deut. iv. 7, 32 — 38.

whom Godzvent &c.] BeLter, -wliich their god went to redeem. Eld-
htm, the Heb. word for God, is a plural noun, but regularly takes a
singular verb when it denotes the true God. Here the verb " went" is
in the plural, which indicates that the gods of the nations are meant to
be included. The sense is, ' Where can any nation be found, which
has been delivered by the deity it worships, as Israel was delivered
from Egypt by Jehovah?'

for you] "You" can only refer to Israel, and an address to the
people is quite out of place in David's prayer to God. We must either
omit for you with the LXX, or xesid for them, i.e. the nation, with the
Vulgate.

for thy land] This gives no satisfactory sense, and "the nations and
their gods" at the end of the verse has no proper construction in the
existing text. It is best to emend the text by the help of the LXX,
compared with i Chr. xvii. 2 1 , and read to drive out in place oifor thy
land. The close of the verse will then stand thus; ^^ and to do great
things and terrible, to drive out nations and their gods before thy people,
which thou redeemedst for thyself out of Egypt. ^^

The construction, which began in the third person, in connexion
with the relative clause, returns at the end of the verse to a direct
address to God.

great things and terrible] The miracles of the Exodus, the journey
through the wilderness, the Entry into Canaan. Cp. Deut. x. 1 1 for
the phrase.

24. thou hast confirmed] Establislied, the same word as in z/. 13.
Cp. Deut. xxxii. 6.

art becojne their God] Hast proved Thyself to be their God, in fulfil-
ment of the promises in Gen. xvii. 7,8; Ex. vi. 7.

26. let the house of thy servant David be established] Rather, the
house of thy servant David shall he established; an expression of

104 n. SAMUEL, VII. VIII. [vv. 28, 29; i.

Lord of hosts, God of Israel, hast revealed to thy servant,
saying, I will build thee a house : therefore hath thy servant

28 found in his heart to pray this prayer unto thee. And now,
O Lord God, thou art that God, and thy words be true, and

29 thou hast promised this goodness unto thy servant : there-
fore now let it please thee to bless the house of thy servant,
that it may continue for ever before thee : for thou, O Lord
God, hast spoken //.• and with thy blessing let the house of
thy servant be blessed for ever.

Ch. VIII. The Developnent of David^s Kingdom.
I, 2. Conquest of the Philistines and Moahites.
8 And after this it came to pass, that David smote the

confident assurance, the ground of which is introduced by the "for" of
V. 27.

27. hast revealed to thy servant'] Lit. hast uncovered the ear of thy
servant, a figure of speech said to be derived from the practice of
removing the hair or a corner of the turban from another's ear in order
to whisper a secret into it. Cp. i Sam. ix. 15.

therefore] The promise justified a prayer which otherwise would
have seemed presumptuous.

found in his heart] Lit. fonnd his heart ; i.e. found courage. Cp.
the phrase "to take heart."

28. thott. art that God] Better, thou art God, and thy words shall
be truth. Truth is an essential attribute of God, and His promises
must therefore prove true. Cp. Ex. xxxiv. 6; Ps. xix. 9; John xvii,

17-

29. let the house of thy servant be blessed] Or, shall the house of
thy servant he blessed. David concludes with words of confident
hope, on the ground that "Jehovah hath spoken it." Cp. i Chr.
xvii. 27,

Chap. VIII. The Development of David's Kingdom.

= I Chr. xviii.

1, 2. Conquest of the Philistines and Moabites.

1. And after this it came to pass] This chapter contains a summary
account of the wars by which David established the supremacy of
Israel among the surrounding nations. At what periods of his reign
they were waged is not stated. As has been already implied in the
note on ch. vii. i, it seems best to consider the words " and after this it
came to pass" as a general formula of transition and connexion, not
necessarily indicating a strict chronological sequence. It may possibly
be derived from the annals which were the original source of the his-
tory. Cp. ch. X. I, xiii. i.

vv. 2, 3.] II. SAMUEL, VIII. 105

Philistines, and subdued them : and David took Metheg-
ammah out of the hand of the Philistines. And he smote 2
Moab, and measured them with a line, casting them down
to the ground ; even with two lines measured he to put to
death, and tvith one full line to keep alive. And so the
Moabites became David's servants, and brought gifts.

3 — 8. Conquest of Zohah and Da?nasciis.
David smote also Hadadezer, the son of Rehob, king of 3

took Metlieg-amjnah, &c.] The most probable explanation of this
obscure expression is took the bridle of the metropolis out of the hand of
the Philistines, i.e. wrested from them the control of their chief city.
This is equivalent to the statement in i Chr. xviii. i that "David took
Gath and her towns out of the hand of the Philistines ;" and it may be
noticed that the metaphor of the 'mother-city' is employed there, for
the word translated "towns" literally means datighters. Gath was
allowed to retain its king as a tributary (1 Kings ii. 39). On its site
and history see note on i Sam. v. 8.

2. casting them down to the g7-ozmd] Making them lie down on
tlie ground. The Moabite prisoners, doubtless only the fighting men,
were ordered to lie down upon the ground in rows, which were mea-
sured with a measuring line. Two thirds of them were executed, and
only the remaining third spared. Why David inflicted such terrible
vengeance on a nation which had once received him and given his
parents an asylum (r Sam. xxii. 3, 4) can only be conjectured. A
Jewish tradition relates that the king of Moab betrayed his trust and
murdered David's parents. Possibly the Moabites may have been
guilty of some special act of treachery in one of David's wars with their
neighbours the Ammonites or Edomites. The exploit recorded in
ch. xxiii. 20 was perhaps performed in this war. By this victory
Balaam's prophecy was fulfilled (Num. xxiv. 17).

drought g if s} Paid tribute to David. Cp. v.6; i Kings iv. 21. At the
division of the kingdom, Moab seems to have fallen to Israel, for we
find Mesha, the king of Moab, paying a heavy tribute to Ahab, and at
his death making a vigorous effort to throw off the Israelite yoke
(2 Kings iii. 4 ff.).

3 — 8. Conquest of Zobah and Damascus.

3. Hadadezcr\ This name is written Hadarezer in ch. x. i5 — 19,
and in Chronicles, the letters d (1) and r (")) being easily confused in
Hebrew. Hadad was the name of the Syrian sun-god, and Hadadezer
appears to be the true form, meaning "whose help is Hadad."

Zobah'l The exact position and limits of this kingdom are unde-
termined. It seems to have been north-east of Damascus and south of
Hamath, between the Orontes and Euphrates. Saul waged wars with
its "kings," who were probably independent chieftains (i Sam. xiv. 47),

io6 II. SAMUEL, VIII. [vv. 4, 5.

Zobah, as he went to recover his border at the river Eu-
4phrates. And David took from him a thousand chariots,
and seven hundred horsemen, and twenty thousand foot-
men : and David houghed all the chariot horses^ but reserved
5 of them^yr an hundred chariots. And when the Syrians of
Damascus came to succour Hadadezer king of Zobah, David

but now it was consolidated under one ruler, and was a country of con-
siderable wealth and power.

to recover his border] The phrase cannot be thus rendered, but means
probably either to renew his attack or to re-estatolish Ms power. The
parallel passage in i Chr. xviii. 3 has a different verb, meaning to set tip
his power. The subject of the sentence is Hadadezer, and the occasion
referred to is probably that which is described more fully in ch. x. 15 — 19.
The Ammonites had hired the Syrians to help them against David,
who defeated their combined forces. Hadadezer thereupon summoned
the Syrians from beyond the Euphrates to his assistance, but was totally
defeated.

at the river Euphrates'] Euphrates is not in the written text, but
according to the Jewish tradition is to be read (see Introd. p. 15). But
the addition is unnecessary. "The River" by itself was understood
to mean the Euphrates. Cp. ch. x. 16; Ps. Ixxii. 8.

4. a thousand chariots, and seven hundred horsemeii\ The Heb.
text as it stands can only mean a thousand and seven hu-ndred horsemen ;
but it seems best to follow the text of the LXX. and of i Chr. xviii. 4
in reading a thousand chariots and seven thousand horsemen.

houghedl Or hamstrung; disabled by cutting the back sinews of
their hind legs. Cp. Josh. xi. 6, 9.
resej'ved] To grace his triumph.

5. the Syrians of Damascus'] The kingdom of which Damascus was
the capital was the most powerful branch of the Aramaeans or Syrians,
and played an important part in the history of Israel. It did not long
remain subject to them. In Solomon's reign a certain Rezon estabUshed
himself at Damascus, and proved a troublesome enemy (i Kings xi.
23 — 25). Benhadad I. was bribed by Asa to break his league with
Baasha and invade the Israelite territory (i Kings xv. 18), and actually
built a Syrian quarter in Samaria (i Kings xx. 34). His son and
successor Ben-hadad II. besieged Samaria (i Kings xx. i), but was
defeated, and compelled to submit to Ahab ( i Kings xx. 34). But the
defeat and death of Ahab at Ramoth-gilead again gave Syria the upper
hand (i Kings xxii.); and in the reign of Jehoram Samaria was once
more besieged by them, and only saved by a miraculous interposition
(2 Kings vi. 24 — vii.). The rising power of Assyria now began to
threaten Syria, but in spite of the defeats he suffered from it, the usurper
Hazael, succeeding in repulsing the combined forces of Judah and Israel
at Ramoth-gilead (2 Kings viii. 28, 29), ravaged the trans-Jordanic
territory of Israel (2 Kings x. 32, 33), captured Gath, and threatened
Jerusalem, which only escaped on payment of a heavy ransom (2 Kings

vv. 6—8.] II. SAMUEL, VIII. 107

slew of the Syrians two and twenty thousand men. Then 6
David put garrisons in Syria of Damascus : and the Syrians
became servants to David, and brought gifts. And the
Lord preserved David whithersoever he went. And David 7
took the shields of gold that were on the servants of Hadad-
ezer, and brought them to Jerusalem. And from Betah, 8

xii. 17, 1 8), and seriously reduced the power of the Northern Kingdom
(3 Kings xiii. 3 — 7). Joash, however, recovered the lost territory
(2 Kings xiii. 25), and Jeroboam II. extended his conquests to Damascus
(2 Kings xiv. 28). Three quarters of a century later Syria reappears as
the ally of Israel against Judah. Rezin, king of Damascus, made a
league with Pekah to depose Ahaz and set up a creature of their own in
his stead (2 Kings xvi. 5; Is. vii. i — 9); but their attempt to take
Jerusalem failed, and Ahaz persuaded TigWth-pileser, king of Assyria,
to attack Syria. Rezin was slain and Damascus destroyed (2 Kings
xvi. 7 — 9). Damascus now disappears from the O.T. history; but by
the fourth century B.C. it had been rebuilt, and has maintained its
prosperity down to the present day. It is situated in a fertile plain
watered by the.river Barada, which is probably the Abana of Scripture,
to the E. of the great mountain chain of the Anti-Libanus, on the edge
of the desert. Travellers describe it as "embosomed in a wide forest
of fruit trees, intersected and surrounded by sparkling streams, in the
midst of an earthly paradise." This natural beauty and fertility, com-
bined with its importance as a centre of trade, have secured the perman-
ence of its prosperity for nearly 4,000 years. See Robinson's Biblical
Researches^ ill. 443 if; Stanley's Sinai and Palestine, p. 414 ff.

6. garrisons'\ Military posts to secure the country. Some render
the word officers for the collection of the tribute, but the E.V. is
probably right. Cp. note on i Sam. x. 5.

brought gifts^ See note on v. 2.

preservcd~\ Or saved, as in ch. iii. 18, xxii. 3, 4.

7. that were on the sei-vants of Hadadezer'] Or, that belonged to,
&c. Probably it was his bodyguard which was distinguished by these
golden shields. Similarly a corps of the Macedonian army under
Alexander the Great was known as "the silver-shields" {dpyvpaa--

The Septuagint adds at the end of the verse: "And Susakim [i.e.
Shishak] king of Egypt took them, when he went up to Jerusalem in the
days of Roboam the son of Solomon." In i Kings xiv. 26 there is a
corresponding addition in the Sept. : "And the golden spears which
David took from the hand of the servants of Adraazar king of Soba and
carried to Jerusalem, he took them all."

8. Betah] The site of this city is unknown, and even the form of
the name is uncertain. Chr. has Tibhath, and the reading of the Sept.
makes it probable that the original form here was Tebah, which occurs
as the name of one of the sons of Nahor the Syrian (Gen. xxii. 24).

•lo8 II. SAMUEL, VIII. [vv. 9— ii.

and from Berothai, cities of Hadadezer, king David took
exceeding much brass.

9 — 12. Congratulatory enih assy fr 0711 Toi king of Hamath.

9 When Toi king of Hamath heard that David had smitten
10 all the host of Hadadezer, then Toi sent Joram his son
unto king David, to salute him, and to bless him, because
he had fought against Hadadezer, and smitten him : for
Hadadezer had wars with Toi. And Joram brought with
him vessels of silver, and vessels of gold, and vessels of
ri brass: which also king David did dedicate unto the Lord,

Be7'othai\ Probably the same as Berothah, mentioned by Ezekiel
(ch. xlvii. 16) in connexion with Hamath and Damascus. The name
Chun, given in Chr. , may be a later name for the place, or a corruption
of the text. Its site has not been determined.

brass\ Rather, copper, or bronze. The word certainly denotes a
simple metal in some passages, e.g. Deut. viii. 9; in others perhaps a
compound one, but if so, bronze (copper and tin), not brass (copper and
zinc), which was unknown to the Hebrews.

The Sept. has an addition here similar to that in Chr.: "Therewith
Solomon made the brazen sea, and the pillars, and the lavers, and all
the vessels."

9 — 12. Congratulatory embassy from Toi king of
Hamath.

9. Toi\ The Sept. agrees with Chr. in reading his name Toil.
HafTiathl A kingdom north of Zobah, with a capital of the same

name situated on the Orontes. Hamath was one of the kingdoms
which were tributary to Solomon, who built cities there (i Kings iv.
24; 2 Chr. viii. 4). After his death it regained its independence until
Jeroboam II. recovered it (2 Kings xiv. 28). A century later it is
reckoned among the conquests of Assyria (2 Kings xix. 13). The
epithet "great," applied to the city by Amos (ch. vi. 2), attests its im-
portance. A considerable town, retaining the name of Hamah, still
occupies the site.

10. yoravi\ Hadoram, the name given in Chr., is probably the
true reading, for which the Hebrew name Joram has been substituted
by a scribe's error.

to bless him'\ To congratulate him, as in Chr. The phrase there
translated "to inquire of his welfare" is identical with that rendered
"to salute" here.

Hadadezer had wars with Toi'\ Lit. "a man of wars of Toi was
Hadadezer." A man of wars =■ one who wages wars. Cp. i Chr.
xxviii. 3.

Joram brought, &c.] A valuable present, intended to secure the good-
will of his powerful neighbour. Cp. i Kings xv. 18.

vv. 12, 13.] II. SAMUEL, VIII. 109

with the silver and gold that he had dedicated of all nations
which he subdued; of Syria, and of Moab, and of the children 12
of Amnion, and of the Philistines, and of Amalek, and of
the spoil of Hadadezer, son of Rehob, king of Zobah.

13, 14. Conquest of Edom.

And David gat Jiim a name when he returned from smit- 13
ing of the Syrians in the valley of salt, beifig eighteen

12. of Syria] Chr. and the Sept. agree in reading Edom instead of
Aram (Syria). The two names are easily confused (cp. note on v. 3),
and it is not easy to decide between them. The order, and the con-
nexion with INIoab and Amnion, are in favour of Edom: on the other
hand Edom has not yet been mentioned, and Syria of Damascus was
distinct from Zobah, and might very well be specified in addition to it

Amalek] The only allusion to an Amalekite war, unless the spoil
taken in the victory of i Sam. xxx. 16 ff. is meant.
Chr. omits the rest of the verse.

13, 14. Conquest of Edom.

13. g-af him a na/ne] Won renown. Cp. ch. vii. 9. This, and not
"erected a monument," as some render, is the right meaning.

7v/ien he returned from smiting of the Syrians] The text is certainly
coi-rupt. Chr. reads, "And Abishai the son of Zeruiah smote Edom
in the valley of salt, (to the number of) eighteen thousand men." The
Sept. has, "And David made a name: and as he returned he smote
Edom in Gebelem [a corrupt transliteration of the words meaning
valley of salt] to the number of eighteen thousand." Moreover the
Valley of Salt was nowhere in the neighbourhood of Syria, but on
the ancient border between Judah and Edom, to the S. of the Dead
Sea. It was the scene of Amaziah's victory over the Edomites (2 Kings
xiv. 7). We must therefore either adopt the Sept. reading, or insert
after Syrians the words aJtd he smote Edom, which may easily have
dropped out, as the second of two similarly ending clauses.

Psalm Ix. is referred to this occasion by its title; ''Michtam of David.
When he fought with Aram of the two rivers [Mesopotamia] and Aram
of Zobah, and Joab returned and smote Edom in the Valley of Salt (to
the number of) twelve thousand men." The genuineness of this title is
disputed, chiefly on the ground that the Psalm speaks of heavy disasters,
of which there is no mention in the history. But we should scarcely
expect defeat to be chronicled in such an extremely brief summary as
the present, which records only the final results of the war. We may
conjecture that while David was occupied with his campaign against the
Ammonites and Syrians, Edom seized the opportunity for invading the
south of Judah, and succeeded in inflicting serious damage, until David
sent back part of his forces under Joab or Abishai, and repulsed their
attack, following up his victory by the complete subjugation of Edom.

no II. SAMUEL, VIII. [vv. 14—17.

14 thousand men. And he put garrisons in Edom ; throughout
all Edom put he garrisons, and all they of Edom became
David's servants. And the Lord preserved David whither-
soever he went.

15 — 18. David'' s administration and officers.

15 And David reigned over all Israel ; and David executed

16 judgment and justice unto all his people. And Joab the
son of Zeruiah was over the host ; and Jehoshaphat the son

17 of Ahilud was recorder ; and Zadok the son of Ahitub, and

We learn further from i Kings xi. 15, 1 5, that the war was pursued with
relentless severity, and signal vengeance taken upon the Edomites.
That the successful campaign is here attributed to David, in Chr. to
Abishai, in the Psalm and in i Kings to Joab, need cause no difficulty.
David was concerned in it as king, Joab as general of the army,
Abishai probably as commander of the division sent forward in advance.
The variations as to the number of slain, here put at 18,000, in the Psalm
at 12,000, may be due either to a textual error, or to some difference in
the mode of reckoning.

14. garnsons\ See note on v. 6. Stress is laid by the words
throiighoiit all Edom on the completeness with which David subjugated
the country. Thus was fulfilled the first part of Isaac's prophecy (Gen.
xxvii. 37 — 40), and Balaam's prophecy (Num. xxiv. 17, 18).

15 — 18. David's administration and officers.

A summary notice of the internal administration of the kingdom,
with a list of David's chief officers of state, is appended to the account
of his wars. Another list of these officers is given in ch. xx. 23 — 26 :
on the differences between them see notes there. A similar list of
Solomon's officers is to be found in i Kings iv. i — 5.

15. executed judgment and Justice'] Proving himself the true repre-
sentative of Jehovah, whose attributes these are (Ps. xxxiii. 5, Ixxxix. 14);
and a true type of the perfect Messianic King (Is. ix. 7, xxxii. i j Jer.
xxiii. 5, 6).

16. recorde?-'] Or, rememlDrancer, a state officer of high rank, who
seems not only to have kept a record of events, but to have acted as the
king's adviser. His importance is indicated by 2 Kings xviii. 18, 37,
where he appears as one of the king's representatives, and 2 Chr. xxxiv. 8,
where he is mentioned as one of the commissioners for restoring the
Temple. The traveller Chardin describes a similar officer of the Per-
sian court, whose duty it is to furnish the king and his ministers with
an account of all important events that take place in the kingdom,
and to keep a record of them, and also to register the royal acts and
decrees. Travels, 1 11., p. 328.

17. Zadok the son of AhittiUl Zadok was of the house of Eleazar
(i Chr. vi. 4 — 8). He joined David at Hebron after Saul's death

V. i8.] II. SAMUEL, VIII. in

Ahimelech the son of Abiathar, were the priests ; and Se-
raiah was the scribe -, and Benaiah the son of Jehoiada was is
over both the Cherethites and the Pelethites; and David's
sons were chief rulers.

(i Chr. xii. 28), and remained faithful to him throughout his reign.
In Absalom's rebellion he left Jerusalem along with David, and only
returned at his command {2 Sam. xv. 24 — 29, xvii. 15). Through him
David communicated with the elders of Judah concerning his return
(ch. xix. 11). Finally, when Abiathar joined the rebellion of Adonijah,
Zadok remained faithful to David, took part in the anointing of Solo-
mon, and was made sole high-priest (i Kings i. 8, 44, ii. 35), which
office he held during some part of Solomon's reign (i Kings iv. 4).

Ahimelech the son of Abiathar] Since Zadok and Abiathar are else-
where constantly mentioned together as the high-priests in David's
reign, and it is clear from i Sam. xxii. 20 — 23 that Abiathar was the
son of Ahimelech, and from i Kings i., ii. 26 that he held office
throughout David's reign, it seems necessary to emend the text and
read Abiathar the son of Ahimelecli. The error, if it is one, appears
also in i Chr. xviii. 16, xxiv. 3, 6, 31, and must have existed in one of
the original documents from which these books were compiled. It
seems hardly probable, though not impossible, that the high-priesthood
of Abiathar is assumed as known, and only the assistant priests men-
tioned, who stood in the same relation to him as Hophni and Phinehas
to Eli (i Sam. i. 3) : or that Ahimelech officiated for a time as deputy
for his father, who was incapacitated by illness or other cause.

priests'] Zadok officiated in the Tabernacle at Gibeon (i Chr. xvi.
39), Abiathar probably before the Ark in Jerusalem. On the origin of
this double high-priesthood, see preliminary note to ch. vi., p. 88.

Sei'aiah] Called in i Chr. xviii. 16 Shavsha, and probably the same
as Sheva or Shcya (2 Sam. xx. 25) and Shisha (i Kings iv. 3).

scribe] Secretary of state : an official mentioned several times in the
course of the history : e.g. 2 Kings xii. 10, xviii. 18, 37, xxii. 3, &c.

18. Benaiah] See note on ch. xxiii. 20.

■was over] Over is not in the Heb. text, and must be supplied from
Chr. But possibly there is some further defect, for the Sept. reads
"Benaiah the son of Jehoiada was counsellor." Cp. note on ch.
xxiii. 23.

the Cherethites and the Pelethites] The first reference to these troops,
which are mentioned by this name during the reign of David only.
They seem to have formed the king's body-guard. See ch. xv. i8,
XX. 7, 23 ; I Kings i. 38, 44; i Chr. xviii. 17. Two explanations of
the names have been proposed: (i) that they mean execiitiotiers and
runners^ it being the duty of the royal guards to execute sentence (see
Gen. xxxvii. 36 marg.; i Kings ii. 25), and to convey the king's
orders from place to place (see 2 Chr. xxx. 6) : (2) that they are the
names of two Philistine tribes, the body-guard being composed of foreign
mercenaries, like the Pope's Swiss guard. In favour of the latter ex-
planation it may be urged {a) that the names are gentilic in form ; {p')

112 11. SAMUEL, IX. [vv. I— 4.

Ch. IX. I — 13. David'^s kindness to MephiboshetJi.

9 " And David said, Is there yet a7iy that is left of the house
of Saul, that I may shew him kindness for Jonathan's sake ?

2 And the7'e was of the house of Saul a servant whose name
ivas TAhd,. And when they had called him unto David, the
king said unto him, Ai't thou Ziba? And he said. Thy

3 servant is he. And the king said. Is the?'e not yet any of
the house of Saul, that I may shew the kindness of God
unto him? And Ziba said unto the king, Jonathan hath

4 yet a son, which is lame on his feet. And the king said
unto him. Where is he? And Ziba said unto the king.
Behold, he is in the house of Machir, the son of Ammiel,

that CheretJiites certainly denotes a Philistine tribe in the other passages
where it occurs (i Sam. xxx. 14 ; Ezek. xxv. 16 ; Zeph. ii. 5) ; [c] that
they are mentioned in conjunction with the Gittites in ch. xv. 18, so that
David evidently had some foreign troops in his service, whom he had
gathered round him during his residence at Ziklag.

chief rulcrs\ Ministers. The word is that usually translated priest.
It is derived from a root meaning to serve or minister, and in a few
instances denotes a civil not an ecclesiastical minister, the king's con-
fidential adviser. Cp. the paraphrase in i Chr. xviii. 17 " chief by
the side of the king;" and i Kings iv. 5, where the E.V. renders
"principal ofiicer."

Ch. IX. 1—13. David's kindness to Mephibosheth.

Since Mephibosheth was only five years old at the time of his father's
death (ch. iv. 4), and now had a young son {v. 12), the incident here
recorded cannot have occurred till David had been reigning at Jeru-
salem for some seven years at least, when Mephibosheth would be about
20 years old. The narrative finds a natural place here as an appendix
to the general summary of the public history of David's reign, and
before the account of his great sin with its fatal consequences. It is
omitted in Chronicles as being a matter of private interest.

1. that I may shew him kindness for Jonathan^ s sa/ce] In fulfilmeflt
of his oath to Jonathan. See i Sam. xx. 14 — 17, 42.

3. the kindness of God'\ A reference to Jonathan's words in i Sam.
XX. 14. "The kindness of God" means kindness or mercy such as
God shews to men, unfailing, unsought, unlimited. Cp, Luke vi. 36.

lame on his feet'] See ch. iv. 4.

Machir the son of Amtniel] A man of wealth and position, to judge
from the welcome which he gave David in his flight from Absalom
(ch. xvii. 27 — 29). He may have taken charge of Mephibosheth at Jona-
than's death. It may be inferred from his name that he belonged to
the tribe of Manasseh (Num. xxxii. 39, 40).

vv. 5— lo.] II. SAMUEL, IX.

in Lo-debar. Then king David sent, and fet him out of the 5
house of Machir, the son of Ammiel, from Lo-debar. Now 6
when Mephibosheth, the son of Jonathan, the son of Saul,
was come unto David, he fell on his face, and did reverence.
And David said, Mephibosheth. And he answered. Behold
thy servant. And David said unto him. Fear not : for I 7
will surely shew thee kindness for Jonathan thy father's sake,
and will restore thee all the land of Saul thy father; and
thou shalt eat bread at my table continually. And he 8
bowed himself, and said, What is thy servant, that thou
shouldest look upon such a dead dog as I ain ? Then the 9
king called to Ziba, Saul's servant, and said unto him, I
have given unto thy master's son all that pertained to Saul
and to all his house. Thou therefore, and thy sons, and 10
thy servants, shall till the land for him, and thou shalt bring

Lo-debarl A town on the E. of the Jordan in the neighbourhood
of Mahanaim, possibly the same as the Debir of Josh. xiii. 26. Its site
is not determined.

5. fet\ This archaic form for yir/iT/^^^ appears in several passages in the
original edition of the E. V. (1611). It is found in Shakespeare :

"On, on, you noblest English,
Whose blood is y^^ from fathers of war-proof!"

Henry F., A. ill. S. I. 18, 19.

6. ATephibosheth?^ See note on ch. iv. 4.

7. Fear 7tot\ Mephibosheth might be afraid that David had only
hunted him out to treat him after the common fashion of Oriental
usurpers, who often put all their predecessor's kindred to death. He
seems to have lived in concealment at Lo-debar.

the land of Said thy father] Saul's private estate at Gibeah, which
passed into David's possession when he came to the throne (ch. xii. 8).
Father = grandfather, as frequently : so in v. 9 son = grandson.

thoti shalt eat bread at my table] A common mark of honour in
Oriental countries. See i Kings ii. 7 ; 2 Kings xxv. 29. The physician
Democedes, who cured Darius, was made "a member of the king's
table" {ofjLOTpaTre^os ^acrL\il', Herod. III. 132): and Histiaeus of Miletus
was invited to come up to Susa, and be Darius' "mess-companion"
{avaaiTos, Herod, v. 24).

8. he bowed hmiself] The same Heb. word as "did reverence"
in V. 6.

a dead dog\ The vilest and most contemptible object possible. See
note on ch. iii, 8 ; and cp. ch. xvi. 9 ; i Sam. xxiv. 14.

10. shall till the land] This arrangement suggests that Ziba was
already in occupation of the land, so that the only change to him would
be that Mephibosheth would now receive the fruits instead of David.

II. SAMUEL. S

114 II. SAMUEL, IX. [vv. ii— 13.

in the fruits, that thy master's son may have food to eat :
but Mephibosheth thy master's son shall eat bread alway at
my table. Now Ziba had fifteen sons and twenty servants.
Then said Ziba unto the king, According to all that my lord
the king hath commanded his servant, so shall thy servant
do. As for Mephibosheth, said the king, he shall eat at my
table, as one of the king's sons. And Mephibosheth had a
young son, whose name was Micha. And all that dwelt in
the house of Ziba were servants unto Mephibosheth. So
Mephibosheth dwelt in Jerusalem: for he did eat continually
at the king's table ; and was lame on both his feet.

that thy master'' s son, &c.] Though Mephibosheth himself was to be
a guest at the royal table, he would require the revenues of this estate
for the support of his family and household. It may be inferred from
the number of Ziba's servants that they would be considerable.

11. As for Mephibosheth, said the king] There is nothing to war-
rant the insertion of the words "said the king : " nor can the words be
Ziba's assertion that he would himself have entertained Mephibosheth
royally. It remains to follow the LXX. in reading at David's table
for "at my table," and to take the clause along with the next two
verses as the narrator's conclusion of the story, thus: "So Mephi-
bosheth did eat at David's table, as one of the king's sons."

12. Alichd] He had a numerous posterity. See i Chr. viii. 34, ff.,
where he is called Micah.

Ch. X. War with the Ammonites and their allies the

Syrians.

= I Chron. xix.

David had now reached the summit of his prosperity and power.
The historian has now to record how he fell from that height into a
sin which brought shame and suffering upon himself and disaster upon
his kingdom. This war with the Ammonites is described in detail,
because of its close connexion with that act, which marked the fatal
turning-point in David's reign.

The war with the Ammonites is incidentally alluded to in ch. viii. 12
among David's other wars; and the war with the Syrians to which it
led is not improbably the same as that recorded in ch. viii. 3 — 6.

It is there related that Hadadezer sustained a crushing defeat, and
that a great part of his vassals transferred their allegiance to David.
There is no hint here that they had revolted, and it seems unlikely that
they could have raised so large an army on a second occasion. The
circumstances narrated here {v. 16) explain the otherwise obscure men-
tion of the Euphrates in ch. viii. 3 : the seat of war, the persons engaged,
the results, and the general details, are so similar as to make it at least
improbable that the narratives refer to two distinct wars.

It is easy to assign a reason for this repetition. There the account

vv. 1—4.] II. SAMUEL, X. 115

Ch. X. IVar zvith the Afnmo7tites and their allies the

Syrians.
I — 5. David's ambassadors insulted by the Anwionites.

And it came to pass after this, that the king of the chil- 10
dren of Amnion died, and Hanim his son reigned in his
stead. Then said David, I will shew kindness unto Hanun 2
the son of Nahash, as his father shewed kindness unto me.
And David sent to comfort him by the hand of his servants
for his father. And David's servants came into the land of
the children of Ammon. And the princes of the children 3
of Ammon said unto Hanun their lord, Thinkest thou that
David doth honour thy father, that he hath sent comforters
unto thee? hath not David rather sent his servants unto
thee, to search the city, and to spy it out, and to overthrow
it? Wherefore Hanun took David's servants, and shaved 4
off the one half of their beards, and cut off their garments in

forms part of the collected summary of David's principal wars, as it was
probably by far the most important and most distant of them : here it
appears as a necessary pendant to the history of the Ammonite war,
which is being related in full in order to lead up to and explain the
circumstances of David's fall.

1 — 5. David's ambassadors insulted by the Ammonites.

1. And it came to pass after tins'] On this formula of transition see
note on ch. viii. / .

the king of the children of Ammon] Forty years at least had passed
since the events of i Sam. xi., so that this Nahash was probably the
son or grandson of the king defeated by Saul at Jabesh. On the Am-
monites see note on i Sam. xi. i.

//amen] This name is identical with the Phoenician Hanno, which
appears so frequently in Carthaginian history. In Greek both take the
form "k-vvwy {Annan).

2. as his father shewed kindness unto me] Possibly in the course of
David's wanderings : possibly by a congratulatory embassy on his
accession (cp. i Kings v. i) : according to a Jewish tradition by
receiving one of his brothers, who escaped when his parents were mur-
dered by the king of Moab.

3. the p7'inces of the children of Ammoii] The new king's counsel-
lors were as foolish as Rehoboam's advisers (i Kings xii. 10, 11).
Their unjust suspicions of David's motives may have been excited by
his recent conquest of Moab.

tJie city] Kabbah, which was strongly fortified. See ch. xi. i.

4. shaved off the one half of their beards] Compare the story in
Herodotus of the thief who made some guards drunk, and for an insult

8 — 2

ii6 11. SAMUEL, X. [vv. 5, 6.

the middle, even to their buttocks, and sent them away.

5 When they told it unto David, he sent to meet them, be-
cause the men were greatly ashamed : and the king said.
Tarry at Jericho until your beards be grown, and then
return.

6 — 14. Defeat of the Ammonites and their Syrian allies.

6 And when the children of Ammon saw that they stank
before David, the children of Ammon sent and hired the
Syrians of Beth-rehob, and the Syrians of Zoba, twenty

shaved their right cheeks (ir. 121). No grosser insult could have been
devised. The beard was and still is to an Oriental the badge of the
dignity of manhood. It was only shaved as a sign of the deepest
mourning. See Is. xv. 2; Jer. xli. 5. ''Cutting off a person's beard
is regarded by the Arabs as an indignity equal to flogging and branding
among ourselves. Many would rather die than have tlieir beard shaved
off." D'Arvieux' Ciistovis of the Bedotiin Arabs. A similar occurrence
is said to have taken place in modern times. "In 1764 Kerim Khan,
a pretender to the Persian throne, sent ambassadors to Mir Mahenna,
the prince of Rendervigk, on the Persian Gulf, to demand tribute from
him ; but he in return cut off the ambassadors' beards. Kerim Khan
was so enraged at this that he went the next year with a large army to
make war upon this prince, and took the city, and almost the whole of
his territory, to avenge the insult." Niebuhr's Description of Arabia.

cut off their garments'] The ambassadors, who wore long dignified
garments, were sent away in the shameful plight of captives. See Is.
XX. 4.

5. Tarry at Jericho'] Jericho was on their direct way back to
Jerusalem. David wished to spare them the mortification of returning
to Jerusalem in such a ridiculous plight.

6 — 14. Defeat of the Ammonites and their Syrian allies.

6. that they stank] Lit. that they had made themselves stink: had
brought themselves into evil odour, or, made themselves odious. An-
cient history records many wars undertaken to avenge insults offered to
ambassadors, whose persons have always been considered sacred by
the law of nations: e.g. the war between Rome and Tarentum which
led to the invasion of Italy by Pyrrhus. See also Cicero, pro lege
Manil. c. 5.

hired] For a thousand talents of silver according to i Chr. xix. 5,
a sum variously estimated at from ;^25o,ooo to ;z{^50o,ooo. For other
instances of the employment of mercenary troops see 2 Kings vii. 6;
1 Chron. xxv. 6.

Beth-rehob] Beth-rehob { = house of Rehob) or Rehob [v. 8), the
capital of this Syrian kingdom, can hardly be the Beth-rehob near Dan
mentioned in Jud. xviii. 28, which was in Israelite territory. It is

w.7,S.] II. SAMUEL, X. 117

thousand footmen, and of king Maacah a thousand men,
and of Ish-tob twelve thousand men. And when David 7
heard 0/ it^ he sent Joab, and all the host of the mighty
men. And the children of Ammon came out, and put the 8
battle in arrays/ the entering in of the gate: and the Syrians

better to place it at Rtihaibeh, 25 miles N.E. of Damascus, or to iden-
tify it with Rehohoth by the river (Gen. xxxvi. 37), the site of which is
fixed a few miles below the junction of the Chaboras with the Eu-
phrates. In this case the Mesopotamians mentioned in the parallel
passage in i Chron. may be the same as the Syrians of Beth-rehob.

the Syrians of Zoba\ See note on ch. viii. 3.

and of king Maacah'] Rather, and the king- of Maacah. This
small Syrian kingdom was in the neighbourhood of Geshur, adjoining
the province of Argob in the north-east of Bashan (Deut. iii. 14), some-
where to the east of the wild and rocky region now called El-Lejah.
Some however would place it on the south-west slope of Hermon at the
sources of the Jordan. See notes on Josh. xii. 5, xiii. 13.

and of Ish-tob] Rather, and the men of Tob, the district in which
Jephthah took refuge (Jud. xi. 3). It seems to have been somewhere
north or east of Giiead, between Syria and the country of the Am-
monites.

. The text of Chronicles differs from that of Samuel in several points,
(a) It mentions the price paid to the Syrians, a thousand talents of
silver, and names Medeba as the rendezvous where their forces assem-
bled, {b) The names of the countries from which the mercenaries were
drawn are given as Mesopotamia, Maacah, and Zobah. Belh-rehob
may be included under Mesopotamia (^o. 6, note). Tob is not
mentioned; perhaps it was a dependency of Zobah, and is included
under it. The contingent sent by each is not specified, (c) The total
number of 32,000 besides the men of Maacah, agrees withi the numbers
here ; but the reading chariots in the present text of i Chr. xix. 7 can
scarcely be right. 32,000 chariots would be a force of unexampled mag-
nitude. See I Kings x. 26; 2 Chron. xii. 3, xiv. 9. The text of
Samuel also seems to be defective, as the force doubtless had some
cavalry and chariots and did not consist of infantry only.

7. all the host of the mighty men] Lit. all the host, the mighty men.
Elsewhere "the mighty men" appear to be distinguished from the
main body of the army as a corps of picked warriors, (see note on
ch. XV. i8); and we should perhaps read all the host, ajid the mighty
men.

8. at the entering in of the gate] This is generally supposed to be
the gate of the Ammonite capital Rabbah. But the account in Chron-
icles states explicitly that the Syrian mercenaries mustered at Medeba,
which was nearly 20 miles south-west of Rabbah, and clearly implies
that it was the city which the Ammonites occupied. Further it is
evident from v. 9, which describes Joab as in danger of being
crushed between the two forces, that the Syrians were at no great dis-

Ii8 II. SAMUEL, X. [vv. 9— 13.

of Zoba, and of Rehob, and Ish-tob, and Maacah, were by

9 themselves in the field. When Joab saw that the front of

the battle was against him before and behind, he chose of

all the choice men of Israel, and put them in array against

10 the Syrians: and the rest of the people he delivered into the
hand of Abishai his brother, that he might put them in array

11 against the children of Ammon. And he said. If the Syrians
be too strong for me, then thou shalt help me : but if the
children of Ammon be too strong for thee, then I will come

12 and help thee. Be of good courage, and let us play the
men for our people, and for the cities of our God : and the

13 Lord do that which seemeth him good. And Joab drew

tance from the city. And how came the Syrian force to march past
Rabbah to Medeba, if the Ammonites meant to make their stand at
Rabbah? or how could Joab possibly have advanced to Rabbah, leav-
ing this huge Syrian force in his rear ?

Medeba, the modern Mddeba, was four miles south-east of Heshbon,
on a rounded but rocky hill. It existed before the Israelite conquest
(Num. xxi. 30), was assigned to Reuben (Josh. xiii. 9), and now seems
to have been in the hands of the Ammonites. It is mentioned on the
famous Moabite stone as having been recaptured by Mesha, and in the
time of Isaiah was a Moabite sanctuary (Is. xv. 2).

in thefield\ "The plain of Medeba" (Josh. xiii. 9, 16) would be an
advantageous place for the manoeuvres of a large army, especially with
chariots and cavalry.

9. that the front of the battle zvas against him before and behind^
The Ammonites were posted in front of the city, the Syrians on the
plain opposite to them : if he attacked either force separately, his rear
would be exposed to the other. His choice of the picked men to
attack the Syrians, and his taking command of this division in person,
indicate that the mercenary troops were the most formidable part of
the Ammonite force.

10. that he might put them in array\ Rather, and he put them in
array.

12. Be of good courage, and let 11s play the men] Lit. Be strong
and let us shew ourselves strong- : the same words as those translated
in I Chr. xix. 13 "Be of good courage, and let us behave ourselves
valiantly."

for the cities of our God] As the people of Israel were the people of
the Lord, so the land which He had given them was His, and its cities
were His. They were fighting "the Lord's battles," that these cities
might not fall into heathen hands and be given over to the worship of
heathen gods. Cp. i Sam. xvii. 36, 47, xviii. 17.

the Lord do that which seemeth him good] Better, Jehovah "will do,
&c.: an expression of trust combined with resignation to God's will.
Cp, 1 Sam. iii. 18.

vv. 14—18.] II. SAMUEL, X. 119

nigh, and the people that were with him, unto the battle
against the Syrians : and they fled before him. And when 14
the children of Ammon saw that the Syrians were fled, the7i
fled they also before Abishai, and entered into the city. So
Joab returned from the children of Ammon, and came to
Jerusalem.

15 — 19. Renewed attack of the Syriajis. Their total defeat.

And when the Syrians saw that they were smitten before 15
Israel, they gathered themselves together. And Hadarezer 16
sent, and brought out the Syrians that 7£/^r<? beyond the river:
and they came to Helam ; and Shobach the captain of the
host of Hadarezer went before them. And when it was 17
told David, he gathered all Israel together, and passed over
Jordan, and came to Helam. And the Syrians set them-
selves in array against David, and fought with him. And 18
the Syrians fled before Israel ; and David slew the men of
seven hundred chariots of the Syrians, and forty thousand
horsemen, and smote Shobach the captain of their host, who

13. they fled before hini\ "They that are hired to fight generally
have a great care to save themselves, having no regard to the cause for
which they fight." Patrick.

14. then fled they alsd\ The rout of their allies left Joab free to
help Abishai, and the Ammonites retired at once within the walls of
the city.

So Joab returned^ He did not attempt a siege, most likely because
the season was too far advanced. Cp. ch. xi. i.

15 — 19. Renewed attack of the Syrians. Their total defeat.

16. And Hadarezer sent, &c.] The correct form of his name Is pro-
bably Hadadezer. See note on ch. viii. 3. He now mustered his
vassals and tributaries {v. 19) from beyond "the river," i.e. the Eu-
phrates. "Brought out " = caused to take the field : it is the causative
voice of the verb "to go out," which is the technical term for going out
to war (i Sam. viii. 20 ; 1 Sam. xi. i).

and they came to Hdam'\ The words might be translated aitd their
force catfie ; but on the whole it is preferable to take Helam as a proper
name, as in z/. 17. It has been proposed to identify it with Alatnata,
a town west of the Euphrates, but it is nowhere else mentioned, and its
site is quite uncertain. This clause is omitted in Chronicles, where also
in place of a^id cajne to Helaf?i in the next verse we read and ca??ie upon
them, so that the name of the place is altogether omitted there.

18. seven htmdred chariots... forty thotisand horsemen^ The present
text of Chronicles has seven thousand chariots,.. forty thousand footmen.

I20 ir. SAMUEL, X. XI. [vv. 19; i.

19 died there. And when all the kings that were servants to
Hadarezer saw that they were smitten before Israel, they
made peace with Israel, and served them. So the Syrians
feared to help the children of Ammon any more.

Ch. XL I. The siege of Rahhah.
11 And it came to pass, after the year was expired, at the
time when kings go forth to battle, that David sent Joab, and
his servants with him, and all Israel ; and they destroyed
the children of Ammon, and beseiged Rabbah. But David
tarried still at Jerusalem.

It seems best to retain the reading seven hundred chariots, and follow
Chronicles in reading footmen. But the omission of horsemen in the
one and footmen in the other makes it likely that there is some further
corruption.

19. the kings that were servants to Hadarezer'\ His vassals and
tributaries transferred their allegiance to David, According to ch. viii.
6 (assuming it to refer to the same war), the kingdom of Damascus was
completely subjugated and secured by military stations. Both there
and here it is implied that Hadadezer himself still maintained his inde-
pendence in Zobah.

Ch. XI. 1. The siege of Rabbah.
= I Chr. XX. I.

1. after the year was expired'] Better, at the return of the year:
that is when spring set in with the commencement of the year in the
month Abib or Nisan. Cp. i Kings xx. 22, 26; 2 Chr. xxxvi. 10. If
Joab's return to Jerusalem (ch. x. 14) was due to the lateness of the
season, the next year was probably occupied with the Syrian campaign,
and the expedition against Rabbah did not take place imtil the year
after it.

at the time when kings go forth to battle] At the time of year when
kings were accustomed to reopen the campaign after the winter cessation
of hostilities.

destroyed the children of Ammon] The parallel passage in i Chr.
XX. I gives the right explanation, "wasted the country of the children of
Ammon." While Rabbah was besieged, the country was ravaged.

Rabbah] Rabbah ( = the great city), or more fully Rabbah of the
children of Ammon (ch. xii. 26), the capital of the Ammonites, was situated
in a strong position about 22 miles east of the Jordan, on a branch of the
valley of the Jabbok. It consisted of the lower town, called "the city of
waters" (ch. xii. 27), from the perennial stream which has its source in
it ; and the citadel, a place of great strength, built on a hill rising
abruptly on the north side of the lower town (ch. xii. 28, 29). We are not
told whether the city was destroyed on its capture. If so, it was after-
wards rebuilt (Am. i. 14), and was a place of importance at the time of
Nebuchadnezzar's invasion (Jer. xlix. 2, 3 ; Ezek. xxi. 20).

V. 2.] IT. SAMUEL, XT. 121

2 — 5. David^s adultery with Bath-shcba.
And it came to pass in an eveningtide, that David arose 2
from off his bed, and walked upon the roof of the king's

Its name was changed to Philadelpheia by Ptolemy Philadelphus in
the third century B. c, and down to the fourth century A. D. it continued
to be famous. For a description of the ruins, which give proof of the
magnificence and wealth of the city dui-ing the later period of its ex-
istence, see Tristram's Land of Israel, p. 533 ff.; Oliphant's Land of
Gilead, p. 251 ff.

David tarried still at yerzcsalent] Exposing himself to the tempta-
tions of idleness. So Ovid writes :

"Quaeritur Aegisthus quare sit factus adulter?
In promptu causa est; desidiosus erat."

2 — 5. David's adultery with Bath-sheba.

It is one object of Holy Scripture to paint sin in its true colours. No
friendly flattery, no false modesty, draws a veil over this dark scene in
David's life. It is recorded as a warning (i Cor. x. ir, 12), that even
holy men may yield to temptation and fall into gross sin; that one
sin almost inevitably leads to others ; that sin, even when repented of,
brings punishment in its train.

"With stern simplicity the inspired prophet-historian describes how
"the lust, when it hath conceived, beareth sin: and the sin, when it is
full grown, bringeth forth death" (James i. 15). The king who but a few
years before had sung of " clean hands and a pure heart" (Ps. xxiv. 4), and
vowed to exclude from his palace all workers of deceit (Ps. ci. 7) is
dragged by his passion into meanness, ingratitude, dissimulation,
treacheiy, murder. "These things were written for our admonition...
Wherefore let him that thinketh he standeth take heed lest he fall "
(i Cor. x. ir, 12).

But if the history is a stern record of the enthralling power and the
inevitable consequences of sin, it is no less a testimony to the liberating
power of repentance. "Sicut lapsus David cautos facit eos qui non
ceciderunt, sic desperatos esse non vult qui ceciderunt" (Augustine on
Ps. li.) : or in the words of Bishop Hall : " How can we presume of not
sinning, or despair for sinning, when we find so great a saint thus fallen,
thus risen."

It is the necessary key to the history of the rest of David's reign. It
explains the sudden overclouding of his life; the change from triumph
and prosperity to sorrow and failure. See further in the Introduction,
ch. VI. § 10, p. 36, and § 16, p. 41.

This narrative is altogether omitted in the Book of Chronicles, for
reasons which are explained in the Introduction, ch. ill. p. 22.

2. arose from off his ded] In the cool of the afternoon, after his
midday siesta. Cp. ch. iv. 5.

walked upon the rooff\ The flat roofs of Oriental houses "afford a
most delightful promenade.... During a large part of the year the roof is
the most agreeable place about the establishment, especially in the

122 II. SAMUEL, XI. [vv. 3—6.

house : and from the roof he saw a woman washing herself ;

3 and the woman was very beautiful to look upon. And
David sent and inquired after the woman. And one said,
Is not this Bath-sheba, the daughter of Eliam, the wife of

4 Uriah the Hittite? And David sent messengers, and took
her; and she came in unto him, and he lay with her; for
she was purified from her uncleanness : and she returned

5 unto her house. And the woman conceived, and sent and
told David, and said, I am with child.

6 — 13. Uriah summoned to Jerusalem.

6 And David sent to Joab, saying^ Send me Uriah the

morning and the evening." Thomson's The Land and the Book, p. 39.
David's palace on Mount Zion (ch. v. 9) commanded a view of Uriah's
house, which was in the Lower City {v. 8, go down).

3. Bath-sheba, the daughter of Eliam] In i Chr. iii. 5 she is called
Bath-shua, the daughter of Ainmiel. Eliam ( = God of the people)
and Ammiel ( = people of God) are compounded of the same words
placed in different order. If this Eliam was the same as Uriah's brother-
officer, mentioned in ch. xxiii. 34, Bath-sheba was the grand-daughter of
David's counsellor Ahithophel. This, it has been thought, explains
Ahithophel's adherence to Absalom (ch. xv. 12) as an act of revenge for
the seduction of his grand-daughter and the murder of her husband.
The theory has been well worked out with much ingenuity by Prof.
Blunt {Undesigned Coincidences, p. 135 ff.), but must be regarded as
very doubtful: for (i) the identity of Eliam the son of Ahithophel with
Eliam the father of Bath-sheba cannot be proved; (2) even if the
relationship is granted, an ambitious and unscrupulous man such as
Ahithophel would be more likely to regard the elevation of his grand-
daughter to the position of the king's favourite wife as an honour, than
to feel aggrieved at the circumstances by which it was effected.

Uriah the Hittite] One of David's "mighty men" (ch. xxiii. 39). His
name ( = light of Jah) indicates that although he was a Canaanite by
race, he had adopted the Jewish rehgion. Another Hittite in David's
service was Ahimelech (i Sam. xxvi. 6). On the ancient Canaanite
nation of the Hittites, see note on i Sam. xxvi. 6.

4. David sent messe7igers'\ Bath-sheba cannot be acquitted from
blame, for it does not appear that she offered any resistance. Vanity
and ambition prevailed over the voice of conscience. " Cupido domin-
andi cunctis afTectibus flagrantior est." "The lust of power burns
more fiercely than any other passion" (Tac. Ann. xv. 53).

5. sent and told David] That he might devise some plan to shield
her from the consequences of her sin ; for by the Mosaic law she was
liable to be put to death (Lev. xx. 10). David accordingly sent for
Uriah, in the hope that his return to his wife might cover the shame of
his own crime.

vv. 7— II.] II. SAMUEL, XI. 123

Hittite. And Joab sent Uriah to David. And when 7
Uriah was come unto him, David demanded of him how
Joab did, and how the people did, and how the war pros-
pered. And David said to Uriah, Go down to thy house, 8
and wash thy feet. And Uriah departed out of the king's
house, and there followed him a mess ofmeafhom. the king.
But Uriah slept at the door of the king's house with all the 9
servants of his lord, and went not down to his house. And 10
when they had told David, saying, Uriah went not down
unto his house, David said unto Uriah, Camest thou not
from thy journey? why then didst thou not go down unto
thine house? And Uriah said unto David, The ark, and n
Israel, and Judah, abide in tents; and my lord Joab, and

6—13. Uriah summoned to Jerusalem.

7. David deviandcd, &c.] David sent for Uriah ostensibly to bring
him word about the progress of the war. Uriah, as one of the "mighty
men," no doubt held some command in the army.

demandcd'\ Rather, asked. The use of danand, like Fr. deniander^
meaning simply 'to ask,' is an archaism.

8. tvash thy feet] An indispensable refreshment after a journey in
the East, where sandals only were worn. Cp. Gen. xviii. 4, xliii. 24;
Luke vii. 44.

a mess of meat fi-ovi the king] A portion from the king's table as a
mark of honour for his faithful servant. Cp. Gen. xliii. 34.

9. Uriah slept at the door of the ki Jig's house'] Probably in the guard
chamber in the outer court. Cp. i Kings xiv. ^y, 28.

10. Camest thou not from thy Journey] Better, Art not thou corae
from a journey? David expresses surprise and displeasure that Uriah
had not done as men usually do on their return from a journey, and
gone to his own home. Uriah's brave resolution not to enjoy the com-
forts of his home even for a single night, while his comrades were en-
during the hardships of a campaign, bade fair to frustrate David-'s
scheme for concealing his sin. He may too have had some suspicion
of his wife's unfaithfulness.

11. The ark] These wars were "the wars of Jehovah" (see note on
ch. X. 12), and the Ark had been taken along with the army as the symbol
of His presence and favour. Cp. Josh. vi. 6 ; i Sam. iv. 3, xiv. 18 (but
see note there); 2 Sam. xv. 24.

Israel, and Judah] The description of the nation as "Israel and
Judah" marks the tendency to isolation on the part of Judah, which had
been confirmed by the separation in the early part of David's reign, and
prepared the way for the permanent division of the kingdoms. See note
on I Sam. xi. 8, and Introd. ch. I. § 5 (^), p. 13.

tents] Properly, booths, rough shelters or huts extemporised out of
the boughs of trees.

124 II. SAMUEL, XT. [vv. 12—16.

the servants of my lord, are encamped in the open fields ;
shall I then go into mine house, to eat and to drink, and to
lie with my wife? as thou livest, and as thy soul liveth, I

12 will not do this thing. And David said to Uriah, Tarry
here to day also, and to morrow I will let thee depart. So

13 Uriah abode in Jerusalem that day, and the morrow. And
when David had called him, he did eat and drink before
him ; and he made him drunk : and at even he went out to
lie on his bed with the servants of his lord, but went not
down to his house.

14 — 17. David^s letter to Joah. Uriah's death.

14 And it came to pass in the morning, that David wrote

15 a letter to Joab, and sent // by the hand of Uriah. And
he wrote in the letter, saying, Set ye Uriah in the forefront
of the hottest battle, and retire ye from him, that he may be

16 smitten, and die. And it came to pass, when Joab ob-

as tJioit livest, and as thy S021I Iheth'] This form of oath does not
occur elsewhere. We usuall)^ have either "as the Lord liveth"'(ch. iv. 9),
or "as thy soul liveth" (ch. xiv. 19), or the two combined (i Sam.xx. 3).
Possibly **as thou livest" is a textual error for "as the LORD liveth."
The Sept. reads How? as thy soiil liveth, &c.

13. and he made him drunk'] In the hope that he might forget his
oath and break his resolution not to go home. But this plan also failed.
"The Providence of God is here manifest, defeating David's base con-
trivances, and bringing his sin to the open light. It is no less clear how
mercy was at the bottom of this severity which issued in David's deep
repentance, and has also given to the Church one of the most solemn
and searching warnings as to the evil of sin which is contained in the
whole Bible." Speake7-''s Comm.

14—17. David's letter to Joab. Uriah's death.

14. sent it by the hand of Uriah'] So in the Greek story Proetus
sent Bellerophon to Jobates with his own death-warrant. Cp. Horn.//.
VI. 168, 169.

"Slay him he would not, that his soul abhorred;
But to the father of his wife, the king
Of Lycia, sent him forth, with tokens charged
Of dire import, on folded tablets traced.
Poisoning the monarch's mind to work liis death."

15. that he may be smitten', and die] So blinded was David by his
passion, and so eager to screen himself and Bath-sheba from the disgrace
of exposure, that he did not shrink from plotting the murder of one of

vv. 17—21.] II. SAMUEL, XL 125

served the city, that he assigned Uriah unto a place where
he knew that vahant men were. And the men of the city 17
went out, and fought with Joab : and there fell so7Jie of the
people of the servants of David ; and Uriah the Hittite died
also.

18 — 25. News of Uriah's death carried to David.

Then Joab sent and told David all the things con- i3
cerning the war; and charged the messenger, saying, ip
When thou hast made an end of telling the matters of
the war unto the king, and if so be that the king's wrath 2^
arise, and he say unto thee, Wherefore approached ye so
nigh unto the city when_>'^ did fight? knew ye not that they
w^ould shoot from the wall? Who smote Abimelech the son 21
of Jerubbesheth ? did not a woman cast a piece of a mill-
stone upon him from the wall, that he died in Thebez? why

his bravest soldiers. The King's command was sufiicient warrant to
Joab, without inquiry into the reason for it.

16. when Joab observed the city\ Better, as Joab watclied tlie city,
i.e. besieged it.

a place where he knew that valiant men were"] Uriah was posted
opposite the most strongly guarded part of the city, where the fighting
was likely to be fiercest in case of a sally.

17. went ot(t] Made a sally, in which, as the messenger describes
(vv. 23, 24), the men of Israel imprudently pursued the enemy till they
were within shot of the archers on the wall, and suffered considerable
loss.

18—25. News of Uriah's death carried to David.

19. the matters of the war] The same Heb. phrase as that trans-
lated in z/. 18 "the things concerning the war."

20. (f so be that the kiii^s wrath arise\ Joab assumes that David
would find fault with him for bad generalship, until he knew that his
commission was executed by Uriah's death.

21. Who smote Abwtelech] See Jud. ix. 50 — 54. This reference is
interesting, as shewing a familiarity with the history of the time of the
Judges; but whether it was preserved by written annals or by oral
tradition, is uncertain. It is not likely that our Book of Judges was in
existence in its present form.

Jertcbbesheth] Jerubbaal or Gideon (Jud. vi, 32), The form Jernb-
besheth occurs here only. The Sept. reads Jerubbaal, and this was
perhaps the original reading, altered for the reasons stated in the note
to ch. ii. 8.

in Thebez] Only mentioned here and in Judges, but its site and

126 II. SAMUEL, XI. [vv. 22—27.

went ye nigh the wall? then say thou, Thy servant Uriah

22 the Hittite is dead also. So the messenger went, and came

23 and shewed David all that Joab had sent him for. And the
messenger said unto David, Surely the men prevailed against
us, and came out unto us into the field, and we were upon

24 them even unto the entering of the gate. And the shooters
shot from off the wall upon thy servants ; and souie of the
king's servants be dead, and thy servant Uriah the Hittite

25 is dead also. Then David said unto the messenger. Thus
shalt thou say unto Joab, Let not this thing displease thee,
for the sword devoureth one as well as another : make thy
battle more strong against the city, and overthrow it : and
encourage thou him.

26, 27. Bath'Sheha becomes David'' s wife.

26 And when the wife of Uriah heard that Uriah her husband

27 was dead, she mourned for her husband. And when the

name are both preserved by the village of Tubas, about ten miles N.E.
of Shechem.

22. The Sept. reads this verse as follows: "And Joab's messen.2;er
went to the king to Jerusalem. And he came and told David all that
Joab had told him, even all the things concerning the war. And David
was wroth with Joab, and said unto the messenger, Wherefore did ye
approach unto the city to fight? Knew ye not that ye would be struck
from the wall? Who smote Abimelech the son of Jerubbaal? Did not
a woman cast upon him a piece of a millstone from the wall, and he
died in Thebez? Wherefore did ye approach unto the wall?" Such
a repetition may have formed part of the original text. But it is some-
what strange that Joab should anticipate the illustration which the king
would use : and it is possible that the reference to Abimelech originally
occurred in David's speech only, and was transferred by mistake to that
of Joab also, and finally in the revision of the Hebrew text omitted in
the second place, instead of in the first, as it should have been.

23. we were upon thefn] Or, against them: we repulsed the sally,
and pursued them to the gate of the city.

25. the sword devouret/i] Cp. the phrase "the mouth (E.V. edge) of
the sword" (i Sam. xv. 8).

encourage thou htm] This is certainly the right rendering. That of
the LXX., and take it, which follows a slightly different text, is contrary
to the usage of the verb.

26, 27. Bath-sheba becomes David's wife.

26. she moio'ned for her husband^ Seven days was the usual period
of mourning. See Gen. 1. 10; i Sam. xxxi. 13; Judith xvi. 24; Ecclus.
xxii. 12. In exceptional cases thirty days were observed. See Num.

w. 1—4.] II. SAMUEL, XII. 127

mourning was past, David sent and fet her to his house,
and she became his wife, and bare him a son. But the
thing that David had done displeased the Lord.

Ch. XI L 1—6. Nathan's Parable.

And the Lord sent Nathan unto David. And he came 12
unto him, and said unto him, There were two men in one
city ; the one rich, and the other poor. The rich mait had 2
exceeding many flocks and herds : but the poor man had 3
nothing, save one little ewe lamb, which he had bought and
nourished up : and it grew up together with him, and with
his children ; it did eat of his own meat, and drank of his
own cup, and lay in his bosom, and was unto him as a
daughter. And there came a traveller unto the rich man, 4

XX. 29; Deut. xxxiv. 8. No special time seems to have been prescribed
for widows. There is no indication that Bath-sheba's mourning was
more than a formal ceremony.

27. fet he?-] See note on ch. ix. 5.

But the thing that David had done displeased the Lord] The
divine sentence on David's conduct prepares the way for the mission of
Nathan in the next chapter.

Ch. XII. 1 — 6. Nathan's Parable.

1. the Lord se7tt Nathan"] A year had passed, and Bath-sheba's
child had been born, before Nathan was sent to rouse the king's slum-
bering conscience.

To this crisis belong Psalms li. and xxxii. See Introd. ch. Viii. § 5,
p. 47.

and said unto him] Some MSS of the Vulg. add Give me a judgment.
The words cannot be regarded as part of the original text, though they
are a correct gloss. The prophet asks for the king's decision, as though
he were consulting him about a case which had really happened. Com-
pare the plan adopted by the widow of Tekoah (ch. xiv. 4 — 7) ; and by
the prophet sent to rebuke Ahab (i Kings xx. 35 — 41). Other parables
are found in the O.T. in Jud. ix. 7 — ts; 2 Kings xiv. 9; Is. v. i, 2.

2. The rich man, &c.] Observe how the details of the parable are
all arranged so as to bring the heartless selfishness of the rich man into
the strongest relief.

3. of his own meat] Of his own morsel. The E.V. misses some-
thing of the graphic tenderness of the original, describing how the lamb
actually shared the poor man's meal.

4. "The apologue of the rich man and the ewe lamb... ventures to
disregard all particulars, and is content to aim at awakening the general
sense of outraged justice. It fastens on the essential guilt of l3avid's
sin J not its sensuality or its impurity, so much as its meanness and selfish-

128 II. SAMUEL, XII. [vv. 5—8.

and he spared to take of his own flock and of his own herd,
to dress for the wayfaring man that was come unto him ;
but took the poor man's lamb, and dressed it for the man

5 that was come to him. And David's anger was greatly
kindled against the man ; and he said to Nathan, As the
Lord liveth, the man that hath done this ^/ling shall surely

6 die : and he shall restore the lamb fourfold, because he did
this thing, and because he had no pity.

7 — 14. The Prophefs sentence. David' s confession.

7 And Nathan said to David, Thou art the man. Thus
saith the Lord God of Israel, I anointed thee king over
Israel, and I delivered thee out of the hand of Saul;

8 and I gave thee thy master's house, and thy master's
wives into thy bosom, and gave thee the house of Israel
and of Judah; and if that had been too little, I would
moreover have given unto thee such and such things.

ness...A true description of a real incident, if like in its general charac-
ter however unlike to our own case in all the surrounding particulars,
strikes home with greater force than the sternest personal invective."
Stanley's Led. ii. 90.

5. shall surely die] Or, is worthy to die ; lit. is a son of death. Cp.
I Sam. XX. 31, xxvi. 16.

6. fourfold] The legal compensation. See Ex. xxii. i ; Luke xix.
8. The Sept. reads sevenfold, and this may be the original reading.
David in his indignation would be likely to prescribe a more liberal
restitution than the usual fourfold. Cp. Prov. vi. 31.

7 — 14. The Prophet's sentence. David's confession.

7. Thoic art the man] The consciousness that they were God's mes-
sengers inspired the prophets with fearless courage. Samuel rebuked
Saul for his disobedience : the prophet from Judah reproved Jeroboam
for his idolatry : Elijah pronounced sentence on Ahab for his murder of
Naboth : Isaiah chid Ahaz for his faithlessness : John the Baptist con-
demned Herod for his adultery.

I anointed thee, &c.] God's successive favours to David are enumer-
ated, to bring out the baseness of his ingratitude and the folly of his
sin.

8. thy master's house] His household and property. Cp. ch. ix. 7.
thy master's ivives] It was lawful for the King, and for him only, to

marry his predecessor's wives. See note on ch. iii. 7. That David
actually married any of Saul's wives does not appear. Only one wife
(i Sam. xiv. 50) and one concubine (2 Sam. iii. 7) of Saul's are men-
tioned.

vv. 9—13.] II. SAMUEL, XII. 129

Wherefore hast thou despised the commandment of the 9
Lord, to do evil in his sight? thou hast killed Uriah
the Hittite with the sword, and hast taken his wife to be
thy wife, and hast slain him with the sword of the children
of Ammon. Now therefore the sword shall never depart 10
from thine house, because thou hast despised me, and hast
taken the wife of Uriah the Hittite to be thy wife. Thus n
saith the Lord, Behold, I will raise up evil against thee out
of thine own house, and I will take thy wives before thine
eyes, and give them unto thy neighbour, and he shall lie
with thy wives in the sight of this sun. For thou didst // 12
secretly: but I will do this thing before all Israel, and before
the sun. And David said unto Nathan, I have sinned 13
against the Lord. And Nathan said unto David, The

9. Wherefore hast thou despised the commandment of the Lord]
Cp. Num. XV. 31 ; I Sam. xv. 23, 26. Great as was David's sin against
Uriah and Bath-sheba, his sin against God was greater in thus breaking
two express commandments of the decalogue. Cp. Ps. li. 4.

and hast slain him with the s7ao?-d of the children of Ammoii^ This is
not a mere repetition of the clause "thou hast killed Uriah the Hittite
with the sword." The verb is stronger, "thou hast murdered;" and
the offence is shewn to have been aggravated by the employment of the
Ammonites, the enemies of God's people, as the instruments for its com-
mission.

10. the szvord shall never depart from thine house\ The Heb. word for
never is a relative term, which must be explained by the context. Here
it may be understood as equivalent to "all the days of thy life." Cp. i
Sam. i. 22, xxvii. 12. The prophecy was fulfilled by Amnon's murder
(ch. xiii. 28); Absalom's death as a rebel (ch. xviii. 14); and Adonijah's
execution as a traitor (i Kings ii. 25). In all these deeds may be traced
the bitter fruit of David's sin. Amnon no doubt excused his lust by
alleging his father's example : Absalom's rebellion was indirectly the
consequence of Amnon's act : Adonijah died for presuming to appear
as the rival of Bath-sheba's son.

11. I will take thy wives'] See ch. xvi. 21, 22. "Having become the
man of blood, of blood he was to drink deep; and having become the
man of lust, by that same baneful passion in others was he himself to be
scourged for ever." Blunt's Undesigned Coincidences, p. 134.

13. / have sinned against the Lord] True confession needs but few
words. Cp. Lk. xviii. 13. There is no attempt to excuse or palliate
the sin. Saul too could say "I have sinned" (i Sam. xv. 24, 30), but
he felt no real contrition, and his chief desire was to save his own repu-
tation with the people : David is crushed by the sense of his guilt in the
sight of God. Cp. Ps. xxxii. 5, li. 4. Cp. August, c. Fanstwn, xxii.
67. "In simili voce quam sensus humanus audiebat, dissimile pectus

II. SAMUEL Q

I30 II. SAMUEL, XII. [vv. 14—17.

14 Lord also hath put away thy sin ; thou shalt not die. How-
beit, because by this deed thou hast given great occasion to
the enemies of the Lord to blaspheme, the child also that
is born unto thee shall surely die.

15—23. The Death of the Child.

15 And Nathan departed unto his house. And the Lord
strake the child that Uriah's wife bare unto David, and it

16 was very sick. David therefore besought God for the child;
and David fasted, and went in, and lay all night upon the

17 earth. And the elders of his house arose, and ivent to him,
to raise him up from the earth : but he would not, neither

erat quod divinus oculus discernebat." "Though the words heard by
the human ear were alike, the heart seen by the eye of God was unHke."

See Keble's poem for the Sixth Sunday after Trinity in the Christian
Year.

thou shalt not die] The sentence which he had pronounced on
himself {v. 5) should not be executed, though he deserved to die as an
adulterer and murderer (Lev. xx. 10, xxiv. 17). The punishment of
death would certainly not have been inflicted on the king, who was
supreme in the state, by any human authority: but God might Himself
have inflicted it. The context shews that temporal death is primarily
meant, and though we may now read in the words a reference to spiritual
life and death, it may be doubted whether they could be so understood
at the time.

14. thou hast given great occasion, &c.] The enemies of Jehovah
would mock and blaspheme Him, when they saw His chosen represen-
tative, the King of Israel, thus breaking His law. To divorce Bath-
sheba now would be a further wrong. Yet if he was not punished men
might answer yes to the question "May one be pardoned and retain the
offence?" And therefore a long series of chastisements, beginning with
the death of the child, must unequivocally declare the divine judgment
on such sin.

15—23. The Death of the Child.

15. strake] An archaism for struck. Cp. ch. xx. 10.

16. besought God for the child] Such a prayer was not presumptuous,
for God's threatenings like his promises are conditional. See Is. xxxviii.
I fF. ; Jonah iii. 7 — 10.

fasted] Cp. Neh. i. 4; Esther iv. 16; Dan. ix. 3; Acts xiv. 23.

went in] To his private chamber (Matt. vi. 6), where he lay all
night upon the floor, instead of sleeping on his bed. Cp. ch. xiii. 31.
Ttie tense of the verbs wt7z/ in and lay all night is frequentative,
indicating that David did so repeatedly.

17. the elders of his house] His oldest and most confidential servants.
Cp. Gen. xxiv. 2, 1. 7.

vv. 18-25.] II. SAMUEL, XII. 131

did he eat bread with them. And it came to pass on the 18
seventh day, that the child died. And the servants of David
feared to tell him that the child was dead : for they said,
Behold, while the child was yet alive, we spake unto him,
and he would not hearken unto our voice : how will he
then vex himself, if we tell him that the child is dead ? But 19
when David saw that his servants whispered, David per-
ceived that the child was dead : therefore David said unto
his servants, Is the child dead? And they said. He is
dead. Then David arose from the earth, and washed, and 25
anointed himself, and changed his apparel, and came i7ito
the house of the Lord, and worshipped : then he came to
his own house; and when he required, they set bread before
him, and he did eat. Then said his servants unto him, 21
What thing is this that thou hast done ? thou didst fast
and weep for the child, while it was alive; but when the
child was dead, thou didst rise and eat bread. And he said, 22
While the child was yet alive, I fasted and wept: for I said.
Who can tell whether God will be gracious to me, that the
child may live? But now he is dead, wherefore should I 23
fast ? can I bring him back again ? I shall go to him, but
he shall not return to me.

24,25. The hiiih of Solomo?i.
And David comforted Bath-sheba his wife, and went in 24
unto her, and lay with her: and she bare a son, and he
called his name Solomon: and the Lord loved him. And 25

20. washed, and anointed himself, and changed his apparel] He laid
aside all the outward signs of mourning. Cp. Matt. vi. 17.

anointed himself] Anointing the head and body witii oil was and
still is the regular practice in Eastern countries. It was believed to
contribute to health and cleanliness. Its discontinuance was a mark of
mourning. Cp. ch. xiv. 2; Is. Ixi. 3.

22. GOD] The LORD. The Heb. is Jehovah, not Elohim, as is
indicated by the capital letters. Cp. Gen. vi. 5.

23. I shall go to him] Cp. Gen. xxxvii. 35. A belief in the con-
tinued existence of the soul after death in a state of consciousness is
necessarily implied though not expressly stated: but how far this falls
short of the Christian hope of the Resurrection of the Body, and the
Life Everlasting !

24, 25. The birth of Solomon.

24. he called his 7ia7ne Solomon] The name was given at the time

9—2

132 11. SAMUEL, XII. [vv. 26—28.

he sent by the hand of Nathan the prophet; and he called
his name Jedidiah, because of the Lord.

26 — 31. Capture of Rabb ah.

26 And Joab fought against Rabbah of the children of Am-

27 mon, and took the royal city. And Joab sent messengers
to David, and said, I have fought against Rabbah, and have

28 taken the city of waters. Now therefore gather the rest of

of circumcision (Lk, i. 59, ii. 21). The Hebrew form of the name is
Sheldmoh, the Sept. Salomon, which by the time of the N.T. had be-
come shortened to the famihar Solomon. It signifies peaceable, and
was given him in anticipation of the peace and quietness promised
to Israel in his reign in contrast to his father's wars (i Chron. xxii.
9). Solomon's birth is naturally related as the sequel to the pre-
ceding narrative, though in all probability it did not take place until
some four or five years afterwards. See Introd. ch. iv. § 3, p. 26, and
nole on ch. v. 14,

25. he sent by the hand of Nathan, &c.] Jehovah commissioned
Nathan (for the phrase cp. Ex, iv. 13) to give the boy a second name,
which he did accordingly. This is the meaning of the text as it stands :
but some commentators would alter it slightly in accordance with the
Vulgate, and render he (David) committed him to the hand of Nathan,
that he might take charge of his education. But the explanation is
doubtful, and there is no further trace of the fact, though it has been
very generally supposed that Nathan was Solomon's tutor.

yedidiahl That is Beloved of yah. Cp. Deut. xxxiii. 12 ; Ps.
cxxvii. 2. It is derived from the same root as David, which means
beloved or darling. The name was given " because of the Lord," i. e.
because Jehovah loved the child ; and it served as a pledge to David
that he was again fully received into God's favour.

26—31. Capture of Rabbah.
= I Chron. xx. i — 3.

26. And Joab fought against Rabbali] The narrative returns to the
point at which it was left in ch. xi. i. But how long a time was occu-
pied in the siege does not appear. It is possible that it lasted more
than one year, and did not come to an end till after the birth of Bath-
sheba's first child. But on the other hand it would be quite natural
for the historian, having once commenced his account of Bath-sheba, to
complete it before narrating the capture of Rabbah, so that this may
have been effected within a year.

and took the royal city] "The royal city" seems to be equivalent to
"the city of waters" of v. 27, that is, the lower city on the river, as
distinguished from "the city" (v. 28), i.e. the citadel. The capture of
this probably deprived the citadel of its water-supply, and so rendered
it untenable for any length of time.

27. the city of zvaters~\ "Just before reaching Amman [the modern

vv. 29— 31.] n. SAMUEL, XII. 133

the people together, and encamp against the city, and take
it : lest I take the city, and it be called after my name.
And David gathered all the people together, and went to 29
Rabbah, and fought against it, and took it. And he took 30
their king's crown from off his head, the weight whereof teas
a talent of gold with the precious stones : and it was se^ on
David's head. And he brought forth the spoil of the city
in great abundance. And he brought forth the people that 31
tuere therein, and put ^/lem under saws, and under harrows

name of Rabbah], the gorge takes a sudden turn to the north, and then
swells into a narrow plain, covered with luxuriant grass, and embosomed
in low round hills. The fish-stocked stream, with shells studding
every stone and pebble, winds in the midst, a narrow channel, receiving
occasional affluents in its course, and making Rabbah most truly a ' city
of waters.'" Tristvam^s Laud o/Israe/, p. 533.

28. ««(/ fa/ce ti] Curtius relates how Craterus in like manner
resigned the capture of Artacacna into the hands of Alexander. " After
all the preparations were made, he awaited the king's arrival, yielding
to him, as was fitting, the honour of taking the city" (Curt. vi. 6).

and it be called after my na77ie'\ This is the usual meaning of the
phrase. Rabbah might have been called "the city of Joab" as Zion
was called " the city of David."

30. their king's crozcn] The word Malcham, rendered their king,
may also be taken as a proper name. It occurs in Zeph. i. 5 ; Jer. xiix.
I, 3 (marg.), as a form of the name of the Ammonite deity, Moloch or
Milcom. The Sept. now reads Molchom their king, "their king"
being probably a gloss, and " Molchora" the original reading. A
Jewish tradition recorded by Jerome tells how the crown was snatched
from the head of Milcom by Ittai the Gittite, because it was unlawful
for a Hebrew to take spoil from an idol [Qiiaest. Hebr. on i Chron. xx. i).
But while it was natural for David to take and wear the king's crown,
as the symbol of the subjection of the Ammonites to his rule, would he
not have regarded the idol's crown with abhorrence, and have shrunk
from wearing it ?

a talent of go hi] Estimated at more than 100 pounds. If this estimate
is correct, it can never have been habitually worn, and must have been
placed on David's head for a few moments only.

31. put them tinder saivs\ Put them upon saws : or perhaps we
should read as in Chron., sawed them with saws. Cp. Heb. xi. 37.
This barbarous practice was not unknown at Rome. '' [Caligula]
medios serradissecuit." (Sueton. Calig.2i.)

harrows of iron] Threshing-sledges of iron : sledges or frames
armed on the underside with rollers or sharp sjDikes, used for the pur-
pose of bruising the ears of corn, and extracting the grain, and at the
same time breaking up the straw into small pieces for use as fodder.
See Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians, i. 408, ii. 423.

134 11- SAMUEL, XIII. [v. i.

of iron, and under axes of iron, and made them pass through
the brickkiln: and thus did he unto all the cities of the
children of Ammon. So David and all the people returned
unto Jerusalem.

Ch. XIII. I — 2 2. Amnon^s shameful outrage.

13 And it came to pass after this, that Absalom the son
of David had a fair sister, whose name was Tamar; and

■made them pass through the brick-kiln'] Burned them in brick-kilns.
The phrase is chosen with reference to the idolatrous rite practised by
the Ammonites, of "making their children pass through the fire" in
honour of Moloch (2 Kings xxiii. 10). This is the meaning of the
Qri or read text (see Introd. p. 15), which is probably correct. The
Kthibh or written text however has " made them pass through the
Malchan,^' which is explained to mean the place where they burnt their
children in honour of Moloch. But the word occurs nowhere else, and
is of doubtful authority.

These cruel punishments must be judged according to the standard
of the age in which they were inflicted, not by the light of Christian
civilisation. The Ammonites were evidently a savage and brutal nation
(i Sam. xi. i, 2 ; 2 Sam, x. i — 5 ; Amos i. 13), and in all probability
they were treated no worse than they were accustomed to treat others.
It was the age of retaliation, when the law of like for like — the lex
talionis — prevailed (Jud. i. 7 ; Lev. xxiv. 19, 20). They had foully
insulted David, and it is not to be wondered at if he was provoked into
making a signal example of them by this severity. In this respect he
did not rise above the level of his own age. JSiodern history has its
parallels, not only in the barbarities perpetrated at Alen9on by a ruth-
less soldier like William the Conqueror, but in the merciless massacre
by which the Black Prince sullied his fair fame on the capture of
Limoges. Green's History, pp. 72, 226.

Ch. XIII. 1 — 22. Amnon's shameful outrage.

This chapter relates how the doom pronounced on David's house
began to receive its fulfilment (i) by Amnon's shameful outrage on
Tamar, (2) by Absalom's murder of Amnon in revenge for that outrage.

The events here related probably occurred soon after David's marriage
with Bath-sheba. See Introd. ch. iv. p. 26.

Dean Stanley points out how " the story, revolting as it is, has the
interest of revealing to us the interior of the royal household beyond
that of any other incident of those times, (i) The establishments of the
princes. (2) The simplicity of the royal employments. (3) The dress of
the princesses. (4) The relation of the king to the princesses and to
the law." Smith's Diet, of the Bible, iii. 1433.

1. Tamar] Tamar and Absalom were the children of Maacah
daughter of Talmai king of Geshur (ch. iii. 3). Tamar means pahn-tree.
The Arabs still frequently give their daughters the names of trees dis-

vv. 2—7.] II. SAMUEL, XIII. 135

Amnon the son of David loved her. And Amnon was so 2
vexed, that he fell sick for his sister Tamar; for she 2e/as a
virgin ; and Amnon thought it hard for him to do any thing
to her. But Amnon had a friend, whose name was Jo- 3
nadab, the son of Shimeah David's brother : and Jonadab
7C'as a very subtil man. And he said unto him, Why arf 4
thou, M/ig the king's son, lean from day to day ? wilt thou
not tell me? And Amnon said unto him, I love Tamar,
my brother Absalom's sister. And Jonadab said unto him, 5
Lay //ice down on thy bed, and make thyself sick : and
when thy father cometh to see thee, say unto him, I pray
thee, let my sister Tamar come, and give me meat, and
dress the meat in my sight, that I may see if, and eat zV at
her hand. So Amnon lay down, and made himself sick : 6
and when the king was come to see him, Amnon said unto
the king, I pray thee, let Tamar my sister come, and make
7/ie a couple of cakes in my sight, that I may eat at her hand.
Then David sent home to Tamar, saying. Go now fo thy 7

tingulshed for their grace, beauty, or fruitfulness. See Van Lennep's
Bible Lands, II. 501.

Ajfinoji] David's first-born, the son of Ahinoam the Jezreelitess.

2. Amnon thought it hard^ It seemed impossible to Amnon.
Tamar lived a secluded life in the women's apartments, where Amnon
could not obtain access to her.

3. a friend^ This narrative is a strong warning against the danger
of evil companions. The clever but unprincipled friend is more likely
to provide means for gratifying evil passions than help in resisting them.

yonadab, the son of Shivieah'] Shimeah is called Shammah in i Sam.
xvi. 9. He had another son Jonathan (ch. xxi. 21).

snbtil] The word means simply wise, and pronounces no judgment
on the way in which Jonadab misused his sagacity. Cp. Job v. 13;
Jer. iv. 22.

4. IVhy, (Src] Wliy art thou so wasted, 0 king's son, morning
Dy morning? His cousin Jonadab either lived in the same house with
Amnon as his companion, or noticed his worn looks when he came to
visit him at his morning levee.

5. 7nake thyself sick] Feign thyself sick, and so in v. 6.

to see thee] To visit in sickness, as in Ps. xli. 6 ; 2 Kings viii. 29.

6. cakes'] The word occurs here only, and may denote some special
delicacy suited for an invalid.

7. ho??ie] Into the house : the inner part of the palace, where the
women's apartments were,

to thy brother Amnon'' s house] Cp. v. 20. Each of the royal princes
evidently had a separate house.

136 II. SAMUEL, XIII. [v v. 8-15.

8 brother Amnon's house, and dress him meat. So Tamar
went to her brother Amnon's house; and he was laid down.
And she took flour, and kneaded it, and made cakes in his

9 sight, and did bake the cakes. And she took a pan, and
poured them out before him ; but he refused to eat. And
Amnon said. Have out all men from me. And they went

10 out every man from him. And Amnon said unto Tamar,
Bring the meat into the chamber, that I may eat of thine
hand. And Tamar took the cakes which she had made,
and brought them into the chamber to Amnon her brother.

11 And when she had brought thetn unto him to eat, he took
hold of her, and said unto her, Come lie with me, my sister.

12 And she answered him. Nay, my brother, do not force me ;
for no such thing ought to be done in Israel : do not thou

13 this folly. And I, whither shall I cause my shame to go ?
and as for thee, thou shalt be as one of the fools in Israel.
Now therefore, I pray thee, speak unto the king ; for he

14 will not withhold me from thee. Howbeit he would not
hearken unto her voice: but, being stronger than she, forced

15 her, and lay with her. Then Amnon hated her exceedingly;

8. flo7ir'\ The dough.

9. a _pan] The pan in which the cakes or puddings had been
cooked.

12. no such thing 07ight to be done in Isj'acl] Israel was a holy
nation, sanctified by the peculiar presence of Jehovah among them ;
and therefore all acts of unchastity were an offence against the true
character and calHng of the nation. Such acts might be common among
heathen nations, but to Israel they were forbidden by the Law, which
placed them on a loftier level of morality.

13. as one of the fools in Israel'] "Fool" denotes not merely one
who is stupid and ignorant, but one who has abandoned the fear of God,
and cast off the restraints of decency and moi-ality. Cp. ch. iii. 33 ;
Ps. xiv. r. " Folly" is a term specially applied to unchastity.

he will not withhold me from thee] The marriage of half-brothers
and sisters was permitted in patriarchal times, as is shewn by the
example of Abraham and Sarah (Gen. xx. 12), but was expressly for-
bidden by the Mosaic law. Either the law was not strictly observed
at this time, or Tamar, hoping to escape immediate violence, suggested
that the king had a dispensing power, and might permit a regular mar-
riage.

15. hated her exceedingly] " Proprium humani ingenil est odisse
quem laeseris." " It is characteristic of human nature to hate one
whom you have injured." Tac. Agric. c. 43.

vv. 16-20.] II. SAMUEL, XIII. 137

so that the hatred wherewith he hated her was greater than
the love wherewith he had loved her. And Amnon said
unto her, Arise, be gone. And she said unto him, There is xs
no cause : this evil in sending me away is greater than the
other that thou didst unto me. But he would not hearken
unto her. Then he called his servant that ministered unto 17
him, and said. Put now this uwman out from me, and bolt
the door after her. And she had a garment of divers colours is
upon her: for with such robes were the king's daughters that
were virgins apparelled. Then his servant brought her out,
and bolted the door after her. And Tamar put ashes 19
on her head, and rent her garment of divers colours that
was on her, and laid her hand on her head, and went on
crying. And Absalom her brother said unto her, Hath 20
Amnon thy brother been with thee ? but hold now thy
peace, my sister : he is thy brother ; regard not this thing.
So Tamar remained desolate in her brother Absalom's

16. There is no cause] The Heb. text cannot be so translated, and
is certainly corrupt. The Sept. is also confused, but its original reading
as indicated by the Old Latin Version gives an excellent sense, thus ;
^'Aitd she said tmto him, Nay, viy brother, for greater will be this
latter wrong, in senditig me away, than the former that thou didst
unto mey

18. a garment of divers colours'] The expression is used elsewhere
only of Joseph's "coat of many colours" (Gen. xxxvii. 3, 23), and pro-
bably means a long tunic with sleeves, worn, it would seem, as an
outer garment in place of the usual mantle. The fact of her wearing
this distinctive dress is mentioned, to shew that the servant and the
people who met her in the street would at once recognise who she was.

19. A7id Tamar put ashes, &c.] The ashes and the torn garments
(i Sam. iv. 12; Esth. iv. i), and the hands clasped above the head
(Jer. ii. 37), were all marks of grief and shame.

went on crying] Went away shrieking- as she went; not lament-
ing with silent tears, but with loud passionate shrieks and wailing.

20. Amnon] The Heb. form here, and here only, is Aminon, which
has been explained as a diminutive intended to express contempt, but
may possibly be only an accidental variation.

hold nozu thy peace] Absalom urged her to bear the outrage patiently,
and avoid a public scandal ; feeling sure that David would not be per-
suaded to inflict an adequate punishment on Amnon, and intending to
watch his own opportunity for revenge. To him, according to Oriental
custom, belonged the duty of avenging his sister's wrongs. Cp. Gen.
xxxiv. 27.

desolate] Ruined and deserted. Cp. Is. liv. i, where "the desolate"
is contrasted with the married wife.

138 II. SAMUEL, XIII. [w. 21—26.

21 house. But when king David heard of all these things, he

22 was very wroth. And Absalom spake unto his brother Am-
non neither good nor bad : for Absalom hated Amnon,
because he had forced his sister Tamar.

23 — 29. Ahsalom^s vengeance.

23 And it came to pass after two full years, that Absalom
had sheepshearers in Baal-hazor, which is beside Ephraim :

24 and Absalom invited all the king's sons. And Absalom
came to the king, and said. Behold now, thy servant hath
sheepshearers ; let the king, I beseech thee, and his servants

25 go with thy servant. And the king said to Absalom, Nay, my
son, let us not all now go, lest we be chargeable unto thee.
And he pressed him : howbeit he would not go, but blessed

26 him. Then said Absalom, If not, I pray thee, let my

21. was very zvrofJi] The Sept. and the ordinary text of the Vulgate
add, "and he vexed not the spirit of Amnon his son, because he loved
him, because he was his firstborn," i.e. in spite of his anger he did not
punish or even rebuke the offence, though the legal penalty of his crime
was death. David's indulgent treatment of his sons was a fruitful source
of mischief (cp. i Kings i. 6), and led in this case to the murder of
Amnon, and ultimately to Absalom's rebellion. The consciousness of
his own guilt moreover weakened his hands for dealing with Amnon's
offence.

22. neither good nor had'\ He made no allusion whatever to the
matter, in order to quiet Amnon's suspicions. For the phrase cp. Gen.
xxiv. 50; xxxi. 24.

23—29. Absalom's vengeance.

23. Absalom had sheepshearers'] Sheepshearing was and still is an
occasion of festivity. Cp. i Sam. xxv. 7 ff.

Baal-hazor, ivhich is beside Ephraimi Possibly Tell Asiir, five miles
north-east of Bethel, and two miles north-west of et- Taiyibeh, which is
supposed to represent Ephraim. The preposition beside or near implies
that Ephraim is here the name of a town not of the tribe territory. Cp.
John xi. 54.

24. let the king, &c.] A clever plan for removing all suspicion from
Amnon's mind.

25. lest we be chargeable njito thee] Lest we be burdensome unto
thee. Chargeable is derived from charge, in the now obsolete sense of
'a load' or 'burden,' cp. i Thess. ii. 9. It is "the first instance history
offers of the ruinous cost of royal visits to those who are honoured with
them." Kitto's Bible Ilhistr. p. 403.

blessed hiju] i.e. dismissed him with a farewell blessing, Cp. ch. xix.

39-

vv. 27— 32.] II. SAMUEL, XIII. 139

brother Amnon go with us. And the king said unto him,
Why should he go with thee ? But Absalom pressed him, 27
that he let Amnon and all the king's sons go with him.
Now Absalom had commanded his servants, saying, Mark 28
ye now when Amnon's heart is merry with wine, and when
I say unto you, Smite Amnon ; then kill him, fear not : have
not I commanded you? be courageous, and be valiant.
And the servants of Absalom did unto Amnon as Absalom 29
had commanded. Then all the king's sons arose, and every
man gat him up upon his mule, and fled.

30 — 39. The neivs brought to David. Absaloi7i' s flight.

And it came to pass, while they zucre in the way, that 30
tidings came to David, saying, Absalom hath slain all the
king's sons, and there is not one of them left. Then the 31
king arose, and tare his garments, and lay on the earth ; and
all his servants stood by with their clothes rent. And Jon- 32
adab, the son of Shimeah David's brother, ansv/ered and said,

26. let my brother Amnon go'\ If David would not go himself, at
least he might send his eldest son as his representative. David's reluct-
ance to consent shews that he felt some misgivings that Absalom had not
forgiven Amnon.

27. At the end of this verse, the Sept. adds, "And Absalom made a
feast like the feast of a king." The words may easily have dropped out
of the Hebrew text owing to the similar endings of the sentences.

28. Now Absalom had comf}ianded'\ And Absalom commanded.
Absalom felt himself bound in honour to avenge his sister's wrong, and
moreover welcomed the pretext for getting rid of Amnon, who stood
between himself and the succession to the throne.

29. did ujiio Amnon, &c.] Though the princes were attended by a
numerous retinue {v. 34), the blow was struck so suddenly and unex-
pectedly, that no resistance was possible, and Absalom escaped without
difficuliy.

upon his mnle] Mules were generally used for riding at this time by
persons of distinction, as Absalom (ch. xviii. 9), David, and Solomon
(I Kings i. 33, 38).

30—39. The news brought to David. Absalom's flight.

31. tare his garments'\ Rent his clothes. The E.V. has introduced
a distinction which does not exist in the Hebrew. Cp. ch. i. 11.

lay on the earthy Cp. ch. xii. 16.

and all his servants, &c.] The Sept. and Vulg. represent a slightly
different reading; "And all his servants, who stood by him, rent their
clothes."

I40 11. SAMUEL, XIII. [w. 33— 37.

Let not my lord suppose that they have slain all the young
men the king's sons ; for Amnon only is dead : for by the
appointment of Absalom this hath been determined from the
23 day that he forced his sister Tamar. Now therefore let not
my lord the king take the thing to his heart, to think that all

34 the king's sons are dead : for Amnon only is dead. Bat Ab-
salom fled. And the young man that kept the watch lift
up his eyes, and looked, and behold, there came much people

35 by the way of the hill side behind him. And Jonadab said
unto the king, Behold, the king's sons come : as thy servant

36 said, so it is. And it came to pass, as soon as he had made
an end of speaking, that behold, the king's sons came, and
lift up their voice and wept : and the king also and all his

yj servants wept very sore. But Absalom fled, and went to
Talmai, the son of Ammihud, king of Geshur. And David

32. Let not my lord suppose, &c.] A practicalillustration of the sagacity
for which Jonadab was famous (z/. 3). He at once rejects the exaggera-
tions of rumour, and predicts accurately what had really happened.

by the appointment of Absalom this hath been determined^ Lit.,
npon Absalom's month hath it been set ; that is, Absalom's sinister
looks have all along betrayed his determination to kill Amnon ; or, his
purpose has been obvious from his words ; but the latter explanation is
less likely, as Absalom seems to have dissembled his revenge in order
to disarm Amnon's suspicion.

34. But Absalom Jied\ This brief statement of Absalom's escape is
inserted here in anticipation oivv. 37, 38, in order to contrast Absalom's
flight with the return of the king's sons to Jerusalem.

the young man that kept the watch'l At Jerusalem, probably in the
tower over one of the gates. Cp. ch. xviii. 24.

much people'] The princes had been attended by a numerous retinue
of followers.

by the way of the hill side behind him] From the way behind him
from the side of the hill: that is probably, if the text is sound, /;w;/ the
west. But the Sept. has important variations, thus: "And behold much
people were coming in the way behind him by the side of the hill at the
descent. And the watchman came and told the king, and said, I have
seen men coming from the way of Oronen, by the side of the hill. And
Jonadab said," &c. Oj'onen may represent Ho7'onaim or Beth-horon,
the dual form referring to the two places of that name, the "Upper"
and "Lower" Beth-horon — which lay north-west of Jerusalem.

37. But Absalom fled, &c.] Now Absalom had fled and gone to
Talmai. The narrative goes back to v. 34. Talmai was Absalom's
grandfather. See note on ch. iii. 3.

And David mounted] David has fallen out of the Ileb. text, but is
found in the Sept. and Vulg. , and is clearly necessary to the sense.

vv. 38, 39; I.] II. SAMUEL, XIII. XIV. 141

mourned for his son every day. So Absalom fled, and went 38
to Geshur, and was there three years. And the soul of king 39
David longed to go forth unto Absalom : for he was com-
forted concerning Amnon, seeing he was dead.

Ch. XIV. I — 20. JoaU s stratagem to procure Absalom^ s
recall.

Now Joab the son of Zeruiah perceived that the king's 14

for his soul Amnon, not Absalom, is meant. His first feeling towards
Absalom was one of anger.

38. "If the text of these verses is sound, they afford a curious speci-
men of Hebrew narrative. In V. 34 we read Absalom fed ; in v. 37,
Absalom fled and went to Tabiiai, the son of Ammihiid, king of Geshiir;
in V. 38, Absalom fled and went to Geshiir and was there three years.
At each step of the narrative only the fact is brought out which is
wanted, (i) the flight; (2) the place whither he fled; (3) the duration of
the absence ; but with each new fact the old ones on which it depends
are repeated." Speaker''s Co??im.

39. And the soul of king David, &c. ] The Heb. of this verse is
obscure, and has been made to bear almost opposite meanings, (i) The
E.V., following the Jewish commentators, supplies the soul as the
subject of the verb, which is feminine. It describes David as pining
for the return of Absalom, after his sorrow for Amnon's death had
abated. To this interpretation it may be objected, {a) that the verb, in
the voice used here, does not mean longed: {b) that if David had been
anxious for Absalom's return, he might have recalled him at once,
whereas even when by Joab's instrumentality he had been brought back
to Jerusalem, he was not admitted to the royal presence. (2) By taking
the verb impersonally we may obtain the sense, David desisted frojn
going forth against Absalom (so the Vulg. "cessavitque rex David per-
sequi Absalom;" and probably the Sept.), i.e. he gave up plans of
pursuit and revenge; or by emending the text according to a very
probable conjecture, the king's wrath ceased to go forth against Absalom.
Either of these renderings gives the general sense which seems to be
required by the context, that David's active hostility towards Absalom
was mitigated by the lapse of time.

Ch. XIV. 1—20. Joab's stratagem to procure Absalom's

RECALL,

1. that the king's heart was toward Absalo^n] This verse like the
preceding one admits of two widely different explanations, (i) If the
rendering of the E.V. is retained, the exact meaning will depend on
whether the first or the second explanation of chap. xiii. 39 given above,
is adopted, {a) In combination with the first of those explanations, the
words simply state Joab's recognition of the king's yearning towards
his son which is there described, {b) In combination with the second

142 II. SAMUEL, XIV. [v. 2.

3 heart was toward Absalom. And Joab sent to Tekoah, and

of those explanations, which seems to be preferable, the words describe
a further change in the king's feeling from indifference to a positive
desire for reconciliation. But on the supposition that David was
longing to be reconciled to Absalom it is by no means easy to explain the
following narrative. Why was Joab's subtle scheme necessary, if David
was eager of his own accord to recall Absalom? Why, if he was long-
ing for a reconciliation, did he refuse to admit him to his presence for
two whole years after his return?

(2) The words may however be rendered: "And Joab the son of
Zeruiah knew that the king's heart was against Absalom." In favour
of this rendering it may be urged {a) that the preposition generally
means against not toward: {b) that in the only other passage where the
phrase occurs (Dan. xi. 28), it unquestionably expresses hostility : {c)
that this meaning agrees better with the whole course of the narrative,
which leaves the impression that Absalom's recall was a concession
extorted from David by Joab's cunning. Although David had abandoned
the ideas of vengeance which he at first entertained (of course the second
explanation of ch. xiii. 39 is the only one^ which can stand in combination
with this rendering) his heart remained set against Absalom, and he
shewed no disposition to recall him from exile. This view of the state
of David's feelings towards Absalom at once accounts for Joab's subtle
scheme to convinse the king of the hardship of prolonging Absalom's
exile, and for the king's refusal to see Absalom when he had been per-
suaded to allow him to return. It may seem inconsistent with the
passionate affection which he afterwards displayed for his rebellious son
(ch. xviii, 5, 33), but it is not really so. A violent revulsion of feeling,
when Absalom's life was in danger, and still more when he had perished
by a miserable death, would be quite in accordance with David's im-
pulsive character.

Most commentators however adopt the rendering of the E.V. , and
suppose that political and judicial reasons prevented David from yielding
to the dictates of affection: that, perceiving this, Joab planned his
scheme in order to give the king the excuse he desired for recalling his
son : that the refusal to see Absalom was prompted by a hope that the
"discipline of disapproval" might bring him to a state of penitence
for his offence.

2. Tekoah^ Situated on a lofty hill five miles south of Bethlehem.
The name survives almost unaltered in the modern TeMa. It was the
native place of Ira, one of David'sThirtyHeroes(ch.xxiii.26): Rehoboam
fortified it as a defence against invasions from the south (2 Chr. xi. 6) :
but its chief claim to be remembered is as the home of the prophet
Amos who was "among the herdmen of Tekoa" (Am. i. i). The
proximity of Tekoah to Bethlehem explains Joab's acquaintance with
this woman, whose shrewdness fitted her to act the part he wished.
The term "wise woman" does not mean a witch, as the Speaker's
Comm. implies when it speaks of her "lawless profession." Cp. ch.
XX. 16.

v^^ 3—7.] ' II. SAMUEL, XIV. 143

fetcht thence a wise woman, and said unto her, I pray thee,
feign thyself to be a mourner, and put on now mourning
apparel, and anoint not ^/lyse// with, oil, but be as a woman
f/ia^ had 2, long time mourned for the dead: and come to 3
the king, and speak on this manner unto him. So Joab put
the words in her mouth. And when the woman of Tekoah 4
spake to the king, she fell on her face to the ground, and
did obeisance, and said. Help, O king. And the king said i
unto her. What aileth thee? And she answered, I am
indeed a widow woman, and mine husband is dead. And 6
thy handmaid had two sons, and they two strove together
in the field, and there was none to part them, but the one
smote the other, and slew him. And behold, the whole 7
family is risen against thine handmaid, and they said. De-
liver him that smote his brother, that we may kill him, for
the life of his brother whom he slew ; and we will destroy
the heir also : and so they shall quench my coal which is

feign thyself to be a 77iotinie7'] Compare the similar 'acted parable'
in I Kings xx. 35 — 43.

a7toiiit 7iot thyself^ Cp. ch. xii. 20, note.

3. co77ie to the king] An interesting evidence of the simplicity of
the times, when the king was thus directly accessible to his subjects
who had causes to be tried or grievances to be redressed. Cp. ch. xv. 2 ;
I Kings iii. 16.

4, Aiid when the woma7t... spake... she fell\ All the versions and
many Hebrew MSS read as the sense requires: "And the woman of
Tekoah came to the king, and fell," &c.

fell 0)1 her face to the grotmd} It was and in some cases still is the
practice in Oriental countries for a subject approaching the king,
especially with any petition, to kneel down and bend forward until
the forehead actually touches the ground. See the illustrations from
Assyrian and Egyptian monuments in Van Lennep's Bible La/ids,
II. 649.

did obeisa7ice'\ See note on ch. i. 1, and cp. the almost identical phrase
in I Sam. xxv. 23.

Hclp\ Or, Save. Cp. 1 Kings vi. 26; Ps. xx. 9. The Sept. repeats
it twice : " Help, O king, help."

7. the whole fa/7iily, &c.] The whole clan demanded blood -revenge,
according to the primitive custom, sanctioned and regulated by tlie
Mosaic Law. See Num. xxxv. 19; Deut. xix. 12, 13.

a7id we will destroy the heir also'] The woman puts these words that
we may kill him... and destroy the heir also into the mouth of her kins-
men, in order to make their conduct appear in the worst possible light,
as actuated not so much by a wish to observe the law as by covetousness

144 n. SAMUEL, XIV. [vv. 8— 13.

left, and shall not leave to my husband neither name nor re-

8 raainder upon the earth. And the king said unto the
woman, Go to thine house, and I will give charge concerning

9 thee. And the woman of Tekoah said unto the king. My
lord, O king, the iniquity be on me, and on my father's

10 house : and the king and his throne be guiltless. And
the king said. Whosoever saith ought unto thee, bring him

11 to me, and he shall not touch thee any more. Then
said she, I pray thee, let the king remember the Lord
thy God, that thou wouldest not suffer the revengers of
blood to destroy any more, lest they destroy my son. And
he said, As the Lord Hveth, there shall not one hair of

12 thy son fall to the earth. Then the woman said. Let thine
handmaid, I pray thee, speak one word unto my lord the

13 king. And he said. Say on. And the woman said. Where-
fore then hast thou thought such a thing against the people
of God? for the king doth speak this thing as one which is
faulty, in that the king doth not fetch home again his ban-

and a desire to share the inheritance among themselves. Cp. Matt.
xxi. 38.

they shall quench my coal which is left] The surviving son, who is
the last hope for the continuance of his family, is compared to the live
coal still left among the embers, by which the fire almost extinct may
be rekindled.

8. / zvill give charge, &c.] Implying that her son should be pro-
tected. The king could reasonably grant a free pardon, as it was a
case of manslaughter and not a premeditated murder.

9. the iniquity be on jne, &c.] If there is any guilt in thus leaving
bloodshed unavenged, may I and my family bear the punishment. She
wishes to lead the king up to a more definite promise, before she applies
her parable to the case of Absalom.

11. let the king remember the Lord thy God] She presses for the
further assurance of an oath in the name of God.

there shall not one hair, &c.] Cp. i Sam. xiv. 45; 1 Kings i. 52 ;
Matt. x. 30; Luke xxi. 18 ; Acts xxvii. 34.

12. Let thine handmaid, &c.] The great object of her errand has
still to be effected. Firmly and clearly, but yet to all appearance
incidentally, she argues from the case of her son to that of Absalom.

13. Wherefore then, (S:c.] David's resolution to keep Absalom in exile
was an injury to the people of God, for he was the heir to the throne.

for the king, &c.] Better, and by the king's speaking this word he
is as one guilty. The promise of protection to her son was a con-
demnation of his own conduct towards Absalom. He had acknowledged
the possibility of an exception to the general rule of punishment for

vv. 14—17.] II. SAMUEL, XIV. 145

ished. For we must needs die, and are as water spilt on the
ground, which cannot be gathered up again; neither doth
God respect any person : yet doth he devise means, that his
banished be not expelled from him. Now therefore that
I am come to speak of this thing unto my lord the king,
it is because the people have made me afraid : and thy
handmaid said, I will now speak unto the king ; it may be
that the king will perform the request of his handmaid. For
the king will hear, to deliver his handmaid out of the hand
of the man that would destroy me and my son together
out of the inheritance of God. Then thine handmaid said,
The word of my Lord the king shall now be comfortable :
for as an angel of God, so is my lord the king to discern
good and bad : therefore the Lord thy God will be with

murder, but he had not extended this exception to his own son, in spite
of the strongest reasons for so doing.

14. For we nmst needs die'\ The argument of this verse seems to be,
that since life is uncertain and cannot be restored, and since God Him-
self sets the example of mercy, David should be reconciled to his son
at once, before it is too late. For the simile of water spilt, cp. Ps.
Iviii. 7.

neither doth God respect any person'\ This translation cannot be de-
fended. Better : and God dotJi not take away life, but devisetli devices
(lit. thinkcth thoughts, cp. v. 13) to the end that lie may not [utterly]
banish a banished one. The statement is quite general, but contains a
pointed allusion to God's mercy in sparing David's own life when he
had deserved death for adultery and murder, and devising a plan to
bring him to repentance and so restore him to His presence-

15. Nozu therefore, &c.] Simply, And now. There seems to be a
studied ambiguity about this verse. If "the people" means the family
who had demanded the surrender of her son, she is artfully returning to
her own petition, to prevent the king from suspecting that her whole
story is a fiction : if, as is more natural, "the people" means the nation,
she is excusing her boldness on the ground that she was forced by them
into speaking thus.

16. the inheritance of God\ The nation of Israel. Cp. i Sam. xxvi.
19; Deut. xxxii. 9.

17. Then thine ha^idniaid said] Sept. "And the woman said:"
which suits the context better.

shat/ now be comfortable\ Lit. Let the word... be for rest: give me
security from my enemies.

as an angel of God] Cp. v. 20; ch. xix. 27; and i Sam. xxix. 9.

to discern good and bad] To hear the good and the evil : to listen
patiently to all manner of petitions, and decide justly upon them.

therefore the LoRD thy God zvill be with thee] The words are a prayer
or blessing : and Jehovah thy God be with thee.

II. SAMUEL 10

146 II. SAMUEL, XIV. [vv. 18—24.

18 thee. Then the king answered and said unto the woman,
Hide not from me, I pray thee, the thing that I shall ask
thee. And the woman said. Let my lord the king now

19 speak. And the king said. Is not the hand of Joab with
thee in all this ? And the woman answered and said. As thy
soul liveth, my lord the king, none can turn to the right
hand or to the left from ought that my lord the king hath
spoken : for thy servant Joab, he bade me, and he put all

20 these words in the mouth of thine handmaid : to fetch about
this form of speech hath thy servant Joab done this thing:
and my lord is wise, according to the wisdom of an angel of
God, to know all things that are in the earth.

21 — 24. Joab sent to bring Absalom back.

21 And the king said unto Joab, Behold now, I have done
this thing : go therefore, bring the young man Absalom again.

22 And Joab fell to the ground on his face, and bowed himself,
and thanked the king: and Joab said, To day thy servant
knoweth that I have found grace in thy sight, my lord, O
king, in that the king hath fulfilled the request of his servant.

23 So Joab arose and went to Geshur, and brought Absalom

24 to Jerusalem. And the king said. Let him turn to his own
house, and let him not see my face. So Absalom returned
to his own house, and saw not the king's face.

19. none can turn^ &c.] The king's words hit the mark precisely :
he discerns the exact state of the case.

20. to fetch about this fortn of speech'] Rather, in order to bring
round the face of the business : that is, to alter the aspect of Absalom's
relations to his father.

21—24. JOAB SENT TO BRING ABSALOM BACK.

21. / have done this thing] I have granted thy wish and restored
Absalom to favour. The "read" text or ^r/ has thou hast done, but
the "written" text or Kthibh (supported by the Sept. and Vulg.) is
certainly right here.

22. his sei'vant] This is the reading of the Kthfbh, and is clearly
best : the marginal alternative thy comes from the Qri.

24. let him not see my face] To recall Absalom without giving him
a full pardon was a most dangerous policy. It could not fail to irritate
him. It may be inferred from vv. 29 and 31 that he was confined to
his house by David's order, for otherwise he would not have had to
wait until Joab came. David's reasons for this course of action are
discussed in the note on z'. i.

vv. 25—29.] 11. SAMUEL, XIV. 147

25 — 27. Absalom' s person ajid family.

But in all Israel there was none to be so much praised as ?5
Absalom for his beauty : from the sole of his foot even to
the crown of his head there was no blemish in him. And 26
when he polled his head, (for it was at every year's end that
he polled //.• because the hair was heavy on him, therefore
he polled it :) he weighed the hair of his head at two hun-
dred shekels after the king's weight. And unto Absalom 27
there were born three sons, and one daughter, whose name
was Tamar : she was a woman of a fair countenance.

28 — 2iZ' Absalom readmitted to David' s presence through
Joab^s mediation.

So Absalom dwelt two full years in Jerusalem, and saw not 28
the king's face. Therefore Absalom sent for Joab, to have 29
sent him to the king ; but he would not come to him : and

25 — 27. Absalom's person and family.

26. polled^ From poll^ the head, comes the verb to poll, to cut the
hair.

two hundred shekels after the king's weight'] If the royal shekel was
the same as the sacred shekel, two hundred shekels would be about six
pounds, an extraordinary weight. But perhaps the royal shekel was
smaller, or as is so often the case with numbers, there may be some
error in the text. It was not considered effeminate for men to wear
their hair long : the Nazarites did so (Num. vi. 5), and Josephus says
that Solomon's body-guard had long flowing hair. Modern Arabs fre-
quently allow the hair to grow to its natural length.

27. three sons'] Who are not named, because none of them lived to
grow up. See ch. xviii. 18.

Tamar] Who inherited the beauty as well as the name of her aunt.
The Sept. adds, " and she became the wife of Roboam the son of Solo-
mon, and bare him Abia." This however does not agree with the
books of Kings and Chronicles. From i Kings xv. 2 we learn that
Maachah the daughter of Abishalom was the wife of Rehoboam and
mother of Abijam : from 2 Chr. xiii. 2 that Abijah's mother's name
was Michaiah the daughter of Uriel of Gibeah (cp. 1 Chr. xi. 20—22).
The natural inference is that Michaiah is an alternative name or a
textual error for Maachah, and that Maachah was the daughter of Uriel
and Tamar, and granddaughter of Absalom, named after her great-
grandmother.

28—33. Absalom readmitted to David's tresence through
Joab's mediation.
29. he wotdd not come to him] Not choosing to incur David's dis-
pleasure by visiting Absalom while he was still in disgrace.

10 — 2

148 II. SAMUEL, XIV. XV. [vv. 30—33; i.

when he sent again the second time, he would not come.

30 Therefore he said unto his servants, See, Joab's field is near
mine, and he hath barley there ; go and set it on fire. And

31 Absalom's servants set the field on fire. Then Joab arose,
and came to Absalom unto his house, and said unto him,

32 Wherefore have thy servants set my field on fire ? And
Absalom answered Joab, Behold, I sent unto thee, saying.
Come hither, that I may send thee to the king, to say.
Wherefore am I come from Geshur? it had been good forme
to have beeii there still : now therefore let me see the king's
face ; and if there be any iniquity in me, let him kill me.

33 So Joab came to the king, and told him : and when he had
called for Absalom, he came to the king, and bowed himself
on his face to the ground before the king: and the king
kissed Absalom,

Chs. XV.— XIX. Absalom's Rebellion.

Ch. XV. I — 6. Absalom ingratiates himself with the people.

15 And it came to pass after this, that Absalom prepared

30. set it oji fire] Partly in revenge for Absalom's refusal (cp. Jud.
XV. 3 — 5), partly in the hope of bringing Joab to make a complaint in
person. '

The Sept. and some MSS. of the Vulg. add at the end of the verse:
" And Joab's servants came to him with their clothes rent, and said,
Absalom's servants have set thy field on fire." The words are not
absolutely necessary to the sense, but they may have been accidentally
omitted from the Heb. text.

32. if there be any iniquity in me] Let the king treat me either as
guilty or as innocent. This half-forgiveness is worse than death.
Absalom means to protest that he is innocent, and had been fully
justified in taking revenge on Amnon, as the king had left his offence un-
punished.

33. the king kissed Absalo7ii\ As a pledge of reconciliation. See
Gen. xxxiii. 4 ; xlv. 15 ; Luke xv. 20.

Chs. XV. — XIX. Absalom's Rebellion.

For the Psalms illustrative of this period see Introd. ch. vili. § 5,
p. 48.

Ch. XV. 1—6. Absalom ingratiates himself with the people.

1. And it came to pass after this] To recall Absalom without
granting him a full pardon was ill-judged : to readmit him to favour,
after he had been irritated by two years of exclusion, without the

vv. 2— 6.] II. SAMUEL, XV. 149

him chariots and horses, and fifty men to ran before him.
And Absalom rose up early, and stood beside the way of 2
the gate : and it was so, that when any man that had a con-
troversy came to the king for judgment, then Absalom called
unto him, and said. Of what city art thou ? And he said,
Thy servant is of one of the tribes of Israel. And Absalom 3
said unto him. See, thy matters a7'e good and right ; but
the?'e is no man deputed of the king to hear thee. Absalom 4
said moreover, Oh that I were made judge in the land, that
every man which hath any suit or cause might come unto
me, and I would do him justice. And it was so, that when 5
any man came nigh to him to do him obeisance, he put forth
his hand, and took him, and kissed him. And on this man- 6

slightest sign of repentance on his part, was fatal. The natural con-
sequences of such treatment are recorded in the following chapters ^.

chariots mtd horses, &c.] A chariot and horses. Absalom imitated
the magnificence of foreign monarchs, in order to make an impression
on the people. Cp. Adonijah's practice (i Kings i. 5), and see i Sam.
viii. II.

2. beside the way of the gate\ By the side of the road leading to the
gate of the king's palace, where he sat to transact business. Cp. ch.
xix. 8. From this practice the Sultan's government is still popularly
called in Turkey "the Sultan's gate," and the Sublime Porte, which is
the French equivalent oi Bab-i-Humayooii (the high gate), the name of
the principal gate of the palace at Constantinople, is used by us as a
synonym for the Turkish government.

a conti-oversyl Better, a suit, as in v. 4.

of one of the tribes of Is7'ael\ Belongs to such and such a tribe or
city : naming the particular one in each case.

3. See, thy 77iatters, &c.] He artfully flatters each suitor by pro-
nouncing a favourable decision on his case, condoles with him on the
improbability of his obtaining a hearing, and hints how differently
matters would be managed if he were in power.

there is no man, &c.] This and not the marginal alternative none
will hear thee fi'o?n the king dowmvard is the correct rendering. There
was no one appointed to investigate the evidence and lay it before the
king. He implies that decisions were given hastily and arbitrarily, and
that his father needed assessors to help him. There is no reason to
suppose that David was neglecting his duty as a judge ; but the task
was growing too heavy for one man to perform it. See Ewald's Hist.
iii. 176.

5. put forth his hajtd'\ Instead of allowing the people to do him

1 Dryden has made use of the events of this period as the basis of his political
poem on the court of Charles II., entitled "Absalom and Achithophel," in which
Absalom represents the Duke of Monmouth, and Achithophel his evil adviser Shaftes-
bury.

I50 II. SAMUEL, XV. [w. 7— lo.

ner did Absalom to all Israel that came to the king for
judgment: so Absalom stole the hearts of the men of Israel.

7 — 12. A bsalom's conspiracy.

7 And it came to pass after forty years, that Absalom said
unto the king, I pray thee, let me go and pay my vow,

8 which I have vowed unto the Lord, in Hebron. For thy
servant vowed a vow while I abode at Geshur in Syria,
saying, If the Lord shall bring me again indeed /^ Jerusa-

9 lem, then I will serve the Lord. And the king said unto
10 him. Go in peace. So he arose, and went to Hebron. But

Absalom sent spies throughout all the tribes of Israel, saying,
As soon as ye hear the sound of the trumpet, then ye shall

homage as the king's son, he took them by the hand, and saluted them
famiUarly with a kiss. Cp. ch. xx. 9.

Compare the description of Bolingbroke's behaviour which Shakes-
peare puts into the mouth of Richard II. :

Ourself and Bushy, Bagot here and Green
Observed his courtship to the common people;
How he did seem to dive into their hearts
With humble and familiar courtesy,
What reverence he did throw away on slaves,
Wooing poor craftsmen with the craft of smiles.

King Richard II., Act i, Sc. 4. 23.

6. stole the hearts'] Robbed his father of the people's affection and
transferred it to himself. Sept. t5to7roterro = made his own.

7 — 12. Absalom's conspiracy.

7. after forty years'] There is no obvious date from which forty
years could be reckoned in this way without specifying what point of
time was intended. In place oi forty we must read four with Josephus
and some of the ancient versions. The four years are to be reckoned
in all probability from the time of Absalom's reconciliation to David.
They were spent in preparing for the conspiracy by ingratiating himself
with the people in the way described in the preceding verses.

in Hebron] The fact that Hebron was his birth-place would make
the wish to pay his vow there instead of at Jerusalem seem sufficiently
natural.

8. then tvill I serve the Lord] By offering a sacrifice in accordance
with his vow. Cp. Jacob's similar vow (Gen. xxviii. 20—22).

10. spies] Absalom's emissaries are called spies, because they were
sent secretly to ascertain public feeling, and only divulge their real
purpose where they could count on support.

the sound of the trtwipet] The signal for revolt and for the gathering
of his supporters, like the hoisting of a standard in modern times. He

vv. II— 13.] 11. SAMUEL, XV. fSi

say, Absalom reigneth in Hebron. And with Absalom n
went two hundred men out of Jerusalem, that were called ;
and they went in their simplicity, and they knew not any
thing. And Absalom sent for Ahithophel the Gilonite, 12
David's counseller, from his city, even from Giloh, while he
offered sacrifices. And the conspiracy was strong; for the
people increased continually with Absalom.

1 3 — 18. The king's flight from Jerusalem.

And there came a messenger to David, saying, The hearts 13

was to be proclaimed king simultaneously all over the country. Cp.
ch. XX. I ; I Kings i. 34; 2 Kings ix. 13.

in Hebroii] The choice of Hebron clearly shews that Absalom
expected to find his chief support in the tribe of Judah. It is probable
that the old tribal jealousies had been revived, and that Judah resented
its absorption into the nation at large. Such a spirit of discontent
would account for the slackness of Judah to bring back the king when
the rebellion was over (ch. xix. 1 1). Hebron itself too probably contained
many persons who were aggrieved by the removal of the court to Jeru-
salem. See Ewald's i/z>/. of Israel, iii. 176.

11. txvo hundred men. ..that were called'\ Invited to the sacrificial
feast as Absalom's guests. In all probability they were men of distinc-
tion, and would naturally be regarded, both at Jerusalem and at Hebron,
as accomplices in the conspiracy. No doubt Absalom hoped that many
of them, finding themselves thus compromised, and seeing the number
of his supporters, would decide to join him ; or failing this, they might
be held as hostages.

12. Gilonite\ Formed from Giloh, as Shilonite (i Kings xi. 29) from
Shiloh. Giloh was one of a group of cities in the mountains of Judah,
to the south or south-west of Hebron (Josh. xv. 51).

sent for Ahithophel^ The sense is no doubt right, but it cannot be
got out of the existing text. Probably some word has dropped out ; the
original reading may have been seJit and called Ahithophel.

Ahithophel has justly been regarded as a type of the arch-traitor
Judas. Even if the words *' mine own familiar friend in whom I trusted
which did eat of my bread, hath lifted up his heel against me" (Ps. xli. 9,
quoted in John xiii, 18), were not written of Ahithophel, the parallel
between his treachery and suicide, and the treachery and suicide of
Judas, is too striking to be neglected.

while he offered sacrifcesl While lie offered tlie sacrifices. In order
to give time for his adherents to gather, Absalom celebrated the sacri-
fice, which was the ostensible object of his journey. To Ahithophel,
who no doubt had already been sounded, he sent a special invitation to
join him.

13—18. The king's flight from Jerusalem.

For the Psalms written during the Flight see Introd. ch. viii. § 6,
p. 48.

152 II. SAMUEL, XV. [w. 14—18.

14 of the men of Israel are after Absalom. And David said
unto all his servants that were with him at Jerusalem, Arise,
and let us flee ; for we shall not else escape from Absalom :
make speed to depart, lest he overtake us suddenly, and
bring evil upon us, and smite the city with the edge of

15 the sword. And the king's servants said unto the king.
Behold, thy servants are ready to do whatsoever my lord

16 the king shall appoint. And the king went forth, and all his
household after him. And the king left ten women, which

17 ivere concubines, to keep the house. And the king went
forth, and all the people after him, and tarried in a place

i8 that was far off. And all his servants passed on beside him;
and all the Cherethites, and all the Pelethites, and all
the Gittites, six hundred men which came after him from
Gath, passed on before the king.

13. The Marts, &c.] Cp. v. 6 ; Jud. ix. 3.

14. let us flee'] For the moment David's courage seems to have
failed him. The calamities predicted by Nathan (ch. xii. 11), stared him
in the face : a sack of Jerusalem with all the horrors of civil war seemed
imminent : he could not face them, and retreat proved in the end to be
the wisest course. Time was gained ; the first violence of rebellion
spent itself; his loyal subjects recovered from their alarm and rallied to
defend him. Ahithophel was perfectly right in discerning that delay
would be fatal to the enterprise (ch. xvii. 1,2).

16. And the king went foi'th'] "It was apparently early on the
morning of the day after he had received the news of the rebellion that
the king left the city of Jerusalem. There is no single day in the Jewish
history of which so elaborate an account remains as that which describes
this memorable flight. There is none, we may add, that combines so
many of David's characteristics — his patience, his high-spirited religion,
his generosity, his calculation: we miss only his daring courage. Was
it crushed, for the moment, by the weight of parental grief, or of bitter
remorse?" Stanley's Led. ii. 97. Who, we may ask, was the eye-
witness who has preserved the picture of the scene with such minute
and life-like detail ? May it not have been the prophet Nathan ?

17. tarried in a place that was far off} Better, halted at the Far
House : the last house on the outskirts of the city, before the road
crossed the Kidron. It seems to be used almost as a proper name —
Beth-merchak — for the locality. Here David halted, while his troops
passed in review before him, and crossed the Kidron.

18. all the Gittites'] If the text is sound, we must infer that David
had brought with him a body of Philistine followers from Gath, a sup-
position which is in accordjince vvdth the view that the Cherethites and
Pelethites were Philistines. See note on ch. viii. 18. But it is pos-
sible that we should follow the LXX. in reading Gibbdrim in place of

w. 19, 20.] II. SAMUEL, XV. 153

19 — 23. The fidelity of Ittai.

Then said the king to Ittai the Gittite, Wherefore goest 19
thou also with us ? return to thy place, and abide with the
king : for thou art a stranger, and also an exile. Whereas 20

Gittites. During his wanderings David formed a corps of six hundred
picked men, who were particularly distinguished as "David's men."
They appear first at Keilah (r Sam. xxiii. 13, cp. xxii. 2), were with
him in the wilderness of Paran (xxv. 13), followed him to Gath (xxvii.
2, 3) and Ziklag (xxvii. 8, xxixr-:!^ xxx. i, 9), came up with him to - ~
Hebron {1 Sam. ii. 3), and finally to Jerusalem (v. 6). This corps
seems to have been afterwards maintained as a guard with the title
of **the Gibborim," that is, ''the Heroes" or "the Mighty Men"
(cp. ch. X. 7, xvi. 6, XX. 7 ; i Kings i. 8), and it is natural to identify the
six hundred here mentioned with that body. Some critics think that
without altering the reading, we should identify the Gittites with the
Gibborim, and suppose that they were called Gittites either because
they had followed David ever since his residence in Gath ; or because
the corps had at this time been largely recruited from the natives of
Gath.

The Sept. text of v. 18 is as follows-: "And all his servants passed
on beside him, and all the Cherethites and all the Pelethites, and
halted at the olive tree in the wilderness. And all the people marched
by close to him, and all his attendants, and all the mighty men, and
all the warriors, six hundred men, and were present by his side ; and
all the Cherethites and all the Pelethites, and all the Gittites, the six
hundred men who- came after him from Gath, marched on before the
king." This appears to be the rendering of a text differing somewhat
from the present Hebrew, to which has been added a rendering of the
present Hebrew text, with some further glosses or alternative renderings.
"The olive tree in the wilderness," which marked the scene of the
second halt, (if the reading is genuine and not a mere mistranslation),
was probably beyond the Mount of Olives on the road to the Jordan.

19—23. The fidelity of Ittai.

19. Ittai the Gittite] A distinguished Philistine who had quite
recently [v. 20) migrated from his home with his family and followers
[v. 22) to enter David's service. From the fact that he shared the
command of the army with Joab and Abishai (ch. xviii. 2) it is clear
that he must have been an experienced general.

reticrn to thy place"] His new home in Jerusalem. This is the right
rendering of the Hebrew text as it stands : but the order of the words
is unusual, and both Sept. and Vulg. support a different reading :
Return and divell with the king ; for thou art a stranger and also an
exile froT7i thy place.

with the king] David's meaning is that Ittai need not involve him-
self in the revolutions of a foreign country, but might take service under
Absalom or any other reigning king without breach of faith.

154 n. SAMUEL, XV. [vv.21— 23.

thou earnest but yesterday, should I this day make thee go
up and down with us ? seeing I go whither I may, return
thou, and take back thy brethren : mercy and truth be with

21 thee. And Ittai answered the king, and said, As the Lord
liveth, and as my lord the king liveth, surely in what place
my lord the king shall be, whether in death or life, even

22 there also will thy servant be. And David said to Ittai,
Go and pass over. And Ittai the Gittite passed over, and
all his men, and all the little ones that were with him.

23 And all the country wept with a loud voice, and all the
people passed over : the king also himself passed over the

an exile] We can only conjecture that Ittai had been compelled to
leave his country in consequence of some revolution. If v^e may sup-
pose this to have been the case, it gives additional delicacy to David's
thoughtfulness in wishing to spare him the repetition of hardships he
had but lately experienced.

20. I go whither 1 7nay\ Not knowing where he might find a home,
as in the old days of his flight from Saul. Cp. i Sam. xxiii. 13.

take back thy brethren : mercy and truth be with thee] The Hebrew
as it stands must be rendered : take back thy brethren with thee in mercy
and truth : but the true text is probably preserved by the Sept. and
Vulg. Take back thy brethre/t with thee: and the Lord shew thee
[or, shall shew thee] mercy and truth : to which some texts of the Vulg.
add : because thou hast sheivn kiiidness and faithfulness. Cp. ch. ii. 5, 6.

21. Ittai anszvered] Compare Ruth's answer to her mother-in-law
(Ruthi. 16, 17).

23. all the country] Lit. all the land : the inhabitants who stood by
to watch the procession, as distinguished from all the people^ the army
and retinue of followers accompanying David.

the brook Kidron] The ravine of Kidron is the deep ravine on the
east of Jerusalem, now commonly known as the Valley of Jehoshaphat,
which separates the city from the Mount of Olives. No stream now
flows in it except during the heavy rains of winter, nor is there any
evidence that there was anciently more water in it than at present.
The name, if it is a Hebrew word, means black, referring either to the
blackness of the torrent flowing through it (Job vi. 16), or more pro-
bably to the gloominess of the ravine. The Sept., following the
common tendency to substitute a significant name of similar sound,
calls it the ravine of the cedars {xei/J.appovs tujv Ke5pwv — Cedron, cp.
John xviii. i). In the O. T. it is chiefly mentioned as an unhallowed
spot used for a common cemetery, into which idolatrous abominations
were thrown by reforming kings (i Kings xv. 13; 2 Chr. xxix. 16,
XXX. 14 ; 2 Kings xxiii. 4, 6, 12 ; Jer. xxxi. 40). The single mention
of it in the N. T. is perhaps designed to recall the present occasion and
to suggest the parallel between David fleeing from Jerusalem, and
Christ leaving the city which had rejected Him, as the treachery of

vv. 24—27.] II. SAMUEL, XV. 155

brook Kidron, and all the people passed over, toward the
way of the wilderness.

24—29. The Ark sent hack to Jerusalem.

And lo Zadok also, and all the Levites were with him, bear- 24
ing the ark of the covenant of God : and they set down the
ark of God; and Abiathar went up, until all the people
had done passing out of the city. And the king said unto 25
Zadok, Carry back the ark of God into the city : if I shall
find favour in the eyes of the Lord, he will bring me again,
and shew me both it, and his habitation : but if he thus say, 26
I have no delight in thee ; behold, here am I, let him do to
me as seemeth good unto him. The king said also unto 27
Zadok the priest, Art not thou a seer? return into the city

Judas was the counterpart and "fulfilment" of that of Ahithophel
(John xviii. i, xiii. 18).

toivard the way of the wilderness] The road to Jericho led through
the northern part of the desert of Judah. Cp. v. 28 and ch. xvi. 2.

24—29. The Ark sent back to Jerusalem.

24. and Abiathar went tip] The Ark halted, to allow the people
who were still coming out of the city time to overtake the procession.
Meanwhile Abiathar went on up the Mount of OHves, for some purpose
which is not stated, possibly to watch the stream of people coming out
of the city. He then returned to carry the Ark back. It seems best
to suppose that the narrative goes back here, and that the Ark was
not taken across the Kidron. Certainly it does not seem to have been
carried up the Mount of Olives.

25. his habitation] Jerusalem, and in particular the tent where the
Ark was kept, was "the habitation" (Ex. xv. 13), the earthly "dwell-
ing-place," of Jehovah (i Kings viii. 13), so far as that could be said of
any special locality (i Kings viii. 27). For the thought cp. Ps. xliii. 3.

26. / have no delight in thee] For as he had sung in the confident
faith of happier days, deliverance from his enemies depended on God's
good pleasure. See ch. xxii. 20, and cp. 1 Kings x. 9.

behold here am /, &c.] Words of true resignation and humble sub-
mission to the will of God. He felt that he deserved this punishment
for his sins.

27. Art not thou a seer] An obscure expression variously explained.
{\) Art thou a seer f The high-priest is supposed to be called a seer^
because he received divine revelations by means of the Urim and
Thummim ; but there is no trace of such a use of the term elsewhere.
{2) Dost thou see? i.e. understand: an untenable rendering. (3) The
Vulg. gives different vowels to the consonants, and renders, O seer,
return , &c. (4) The Sept. reads, See! thou shalt return^ which re-

156 II. SAMUEL, XV. [w. 28—31.

in peace, and your two sons with you, Ahimaaz thy son,

28 and Jonathan the son of Abiathar. See, I will tarry in the
plain of the wilderness, until there come word from you to

29 certify me. Zadok therefore and Abiathar carried the ark
of God again to Jerusalem : and they tarried there.

30 — 37. Hushai conwiissioned to defeat Ahithophel.

30 And David went up by the ascent of vio^int Olivet, and
wept as he went up, and had his head covered, and he went
barefoot : and all the people that was with him covered
every man his head, and they went up, weeping as they

3t went up. And ojie told David, saying, Ahithophel is among
the conspirators with Absalom. And David said, O Lord,

quires but a small change in the Heb. text, and is probably the best
solution of the difficulty.

28. in the plain of the wilderness] The level district of the Jordan
valley near Jericho, called elsewhere " the plains of Jericho." Cp.
Josh. V. 10; 2 Kings xxv. 5 ; and note on ch. ii. 29. Instead however
of plains which is the traditional reading (Qri), the written text
(Kthibh) has fords. This certainly seems the more probable reading
both here and in ch. xvii. 16, where there is the same variation, for a
definite place must have been named at which the messenger was to
find David, and the ford, as a critical point, would be a most natural
halting place.

to certify me] To tell me how matters are going in the city.

30 — 37. Hushai commissioned to defeat Ahithophel.

30. theasce7itofm.o\xx\\. Olivet] Lit. by the ascent of Olives: the
name mount Olivet is derived from 7?iofis oliveti in the Vulgate of Acts
i. 12. The " mount of Olives" is the i^idge which rises on the east of
Jerusalem above the Kidron ravine, screening the city from the desert
country beyond. With the exception of this touching scene, there is
little of interest connected with the Mount of Olives in the O. T. On
it, perhaps on the spot already consecrated for worship {v. 32), Solomon
erected high places for the false gods of his foreign wives (i Kings
xi. 7, 8), which were desecrated long afterwards by Josiah (2 Kings
xxiii. 13, 14). A passing allusion to the woods which covered it
(Neh. viii, 15), and the details of the scenery in two prophetic visions
(Ezek. xi. 23 ; Zech. xiv. 4), complete the references to it in the O. T.
"Its lasting glory belongs not to the Old Dispensation but to the New."
See Stanley's Sinai and Pal. p. 185 ff.

had his head covered, and he went barefoot] The muffled head marks
the deep grief which shuts itself up from the outer world : the bare feet
— still a sign of mourning in the East — betoken affliction, self-humilia-
tion, penitence. Cp ch. xix. 4; Esth. vi. 12; Ezek. xxiv. 17.

vv. 32-34.] II. SAMUEL, XV. 157

I pray thee, turn the counsel of Ahithophel into foolishness.
And it came to pass, that when David was come to the top 32
of the inoimf, where he worshipped God, behold, Hushai the
Archite came to meet him with his coat rent, and earth upon
his head : unto whom David said, If thou passest on with 33
me, then thou shalt be a burden unto me : but if thou 34
return to the city, and say unto Absalom, I will be thy

32. the top of the mount] The head or top is used here and in
ch. xvi. I ahnost as a proper name, and would naturally refer to the
highest summit, where the high place would most probably be. David
seems to have taken the road leading directly over the hill to Bahurim
(see note on ch. iii. 16) instead of the southern road to Jericho.

where he 7vors hipped God] Wliere he was wont to worship God : or,
where God was wont to he worshipped. The tense indicates that an
habitual practice is meant. It was no doubt one of the high places,
which seem to have been recognised as legitimate sanctuaries until
the Temple was built. Cp. i Sam. vii. 17, ix. 13 7iote; 1 Kings
iii. 2 — 4.

Hushai the Archite] "The border of the Archite" (E. V. wrongly
Arc hi) is mentioned as one of the boundary marks between Ephraim
and Benjamin (Josh. xvi. 2). A trace of the name is perhaps pre-
served in Ain Arfk, about six miles W. S. W. of Bethel. As Hushai
came to meet David he had probably been absent from the city —
perhaps at his native place — when the rebellion broke out, and hastened
back to join his master. His coming was in a manner the answer to
David's prayer in z'. 31.

with his coat rent, (Src] See note on ch. 1. 2. The term rendered
coat denotes the loose shirt or tunic, over which a cloak was usually
worn. See the illustrations in Smith's Diet, of the Bible, i. 454, or
Lane's Modcrti Egyptians, I. 36.

33. unto whom David said] And David said unto him.

a burden unto me] Perhaps Hushai was old and somewhat infinn.
Cp. ch. xix. 35.

34. and say unto Absalom] "Hushai's conduct is certainly no
model of Christian uprightness. It is therefore curiously instructive to
see it made the warrant of a similarly questionable act in modern times.
Sir Samuel Morland, Secretary of State to Cromwell, in describing his
betrayal of his master to Charles II., says, ' I called to remembrance
Hushai's behaviour towards Absalom, which I found not at all blamed
in Holy Writ, and yet his was a larger step than mine.' " Stanley's
Lect. II. 99. Stratagems of this kind, involving deliberate falsehood
and treachery, have been employed in all ages, but the morality of
them cannot be approved. In connexion with this question it may be
remarked, (i) that wrong actions are often related in Scripture without
express condemnation, because the healthy and enlightened conscience
can discern at once they are wrong ; (2) that many actions, allowable
under the Old Testament dispensation, are not allowable to those who

158 II. SAMUEL, XV. XVI. [vv. 35—37; 1—3.

servant, O king; as I have been thy father's servant hitherto,
so will I now also be thy servant : then mayest thou for me

35 defeat the counsel of Ahithophel. And hast thou not there
with thee Zadok and Abiathar the priests ? therefore it shall
be, that what thing soever thou shalt hear out of the king's
house, thou shalt tell it to Zadok and Abiathar the priests.

36 Behold, they have there with them their two sons, Ahimaaz
Zadok's soji, and Jonathan Abiathar's son; and by them

37 ye shall send unto me every thing that ye can hear. So
Hushai David's friend came into the city, and Absalom
came into Jerusalem.

Ch. XVI. I — 4. David met by Ziba with a present.

16 And when David was a little past the top of the hill, be-
hold, Ziba the servant of Mephibosheth met him, with a
couple of asses saddled, and upon them two hundred loaves

. <?/" bread, and an hundred bunches of raisins, and an hundred

2 of summer fruits, and a bottle of wine. And the king said
unto Ziba, What meanest thou by these ? And Ziba said.
The asses be for the king's household to ride on ; and the
bread and summer fruit for the young men to eat ; and the
wine, that such as be faint in the wilderness may drink.

3 And the king said, And where is thy master's son ? And

have received the light of Christ's revelation : (3) that Scripture gives
no sanction to the doctrine, maintained even now in some quarters, that
political and social morality are not governed by the same rules. See
also the notes on i Sam. xxvii. 11, xxix. 8.

37. David'' s friend'] "The king's friend" was a regular state-
officer, the king's confidential adviser. Cp. i Chr. xxvii. 33 (E. V.,
compatiion) ; i Kings iv. 5.

Ch. XVI. 1 — 4. David met by Ziba with a present.

1. tAe top of the hill] See note on ch. xv. 32.

two hundred loaves of bread, &c.] Compare Abigail's present (i Sam.
XXV. 18). Ziba was shrewd enough to foresee the result of the rebel-
lion, and wished to secure the king's favour.

an hundred of sumtner fruits] Probably cakes of dried figs (so the
Vulg.) or dates (so the Sept.). Cp. Amos viii. i.

a bottle of wine] A skin, holding a considerable quantity.

2. the wilderness] See note on ch. xv. 23.

3. thy master's son] Mephibosheth is called the son, i.e. grandson,
of Ziba's lord Saul in ch. ix. 9. David was hurt by Mephibosheth's
apparent ingratitude.

vv. 4-7-] II. SAMUEL, XVI. 159

Ziba said unto the king, Behold, he abideth at Jerusalem :
for he said, To day shall the house of Israel restore me the
kingdom of my father. Then said the king to Ziba, Behold, 4
thine are all that pertained unto Mephibosheth. And Ziba
said, I humbly beseech thee that I may find grace in thy
sight, my lord, O king.

5 — 14. David cursed by Shi7tiei.
And when king David came to Bahurim, behold, thence 5
came out a man of the family of the house of Saul, whose
name was Shimei, the son of Gera : he came forth, and
cursed still as he came. And he cast stones at David, and 6
at all the servants of king David : and all the people and
all the mighty men ivere on his right hand and on his left.
And thus said Shimei when he cursed. Come out, come out, 7

for he said, To day, &c.] That Ziba was calumniating Mephibosheth
is sufficiently obvious. How could Mephibosheth, an insignificant
cripple, who had never claimed the crown, or taken any part in
politics, expect to be made king, even in the confusion of parties which
might ensue upon Absalom's rebellion ? Ziba's story was an audacious
fiction, invented in the hope of getting a grant of the estate which he
was cultivating for Mephibosheth's benefit, and in spite of its improba-
bility, it passed muster in the haste and confusion of the moment.

4. Behold, thine are all, &c.] David was rash and hasty in thus
treating his grant to Mephibosheth as forfeited by treason without a
word of inquiry. This unreflecting impetuosity was a marked fault of
his character. Cp. i Sam. xxv. 13 ff.

I humbly beseech thee, &c.] Rather, I t)OW myself down:— equiva-
lent to our "I lay myself at thy feet," an Oriental expression of grati-
tude : — let me find favour in thine eyes, my lord, 0 king-. Cp. i Sam.
i. 18.

5—14. David cursed by Shimei.

5. Bahjirini] See note on ch. iii. 16.

Shimei] See ch. xix. 16 — 23 ; i Kings ii. 8, 9. His connexion
with the clan of Saul accounts for the virulence of his hatred.

6. And he cast stojies, &c.] The scene is described with an exact-
ness which bespeaks an eye-witness. The road apparently was parallel
to a ridge — the "rz^" or "side of the hill," v. 13 — and separated from
it by a deep but narrow ravine — "let me go over," v. 9 — so that
Shimei was out of easy reach, though within a stone's throw of David
and his party.

and all the people, &c.] This enhanced the impudent audacity of
Shimei 's behaviour,

7. Come out, come out] Out! out! from the land and from thy
kingdom into exile.

i6o II. SAMUEL, XVI. [vv. 8—10.

8 thou bloody man, and thou man of Belial : the Lord hath
returned upon thee all the blood of the house of Saul, in
whose stead thou hast reigned; and the Lord hath de-
livered the kingdom into the hand of Absalom thy son :
and, behold, thou art taken to thy mischief, because thou

9 art a bloody man. Then said Abishai the son of Zeruiah
unto the king, Why should this dead dog curse my lord the
king ? let me go over, I pray thee, and take off his head.

10 And the king said, What have I to do with you, ye sons of
Zeruiah? so let him curse, because the Lord hath said
unto him, Curse David. Who shall then say. Wherefore

thoii bloody man'\ Tliou man of blood, thou murderer. Shimei seems
to have supplied Cromwell's army with the terms of its resolution "to
call Charles Stuart, that man of blood, to account for the blood he has
shed and the mischief he has done to the utmost against the Lord's
cause and people in this poor nation." Green's SJwj-t History, p. 552.

thou man of Belial] Tbou ■wicked man. See note on i Sam. i. 16.

8. all the blood of the house of Saul] Shimei probably refers to the
deaths of Saul and his sons at Gilboa, of Abner and Ish-bosheth by
treacherous murder, charging David with the guilt of crimes which he
had repudiated and punished : possibly also he regarded the execution
of Saul's sons (ch. xxi. i — g), which in all probability had taken place
before this time, as a judicial murder. Shimei would not intend to refer
to Uriah, though David would feel that it was for his death that the
curse was not undeserved.

behold, tho7c art taken to thy mischief] Rather, behold, thou art in
thy calamity. To is the original reading of 161 1; in of ordinary
editions first appeared in the edition of 1629. To thy mischief— \.o thy
hurt, a free paraphrase of the Vulg. premtint te mala tua.

9. Then said Abishai] Consistently with his character on the
former occasion when he wished to slay Saul (i Sam. xxvi. 8), and on
the later occasion, when he was for refusing Shimei's suit for pardon
(ch. xix. ■zi). His fiery zeal reminds us of the Sons of Thunder (Lukeix.
54), and David's answer recalls Christ's answer to Peter (John xviii.

this dead dog] See ch. ix. 8, iii. 8, and notes there.

10. What have I to do luith you] 'What have we in common?
leave me alone. ' The phrase is used to repel an unwelcome suggestion,
and repudiate participation in the thoughts and feelings of another.
Cp. ch. xix. 22; John ii. 4.

ye sons of Zeruiak] Joab probably seconded Abishai's request. For
David's abhorrence of his nephews' ferocity, see ch. iii. 39.

so let him curse, &c.] This is the rendering of the traditional reading
(Qri). The wi-itten text (Kthibh) may be rendered, when he ctirseth,
and when the Lord, &c., who then shall say, &c. : or, for he curseth
because the Lord, &c.

vv. II— 15.] II. SAMUEL, XVI. 161

hast thou done so? And David said to Abishai, and to all n
his servants, Behold, my son, which came forth of my
bowels, seeketh my life : how much more now may this
Benjamite do it? let him alone, and let him curse; for the
Lord hath bidden him. It may be that the Lord will 12
look on mine affliction, and that the Lord will requite
me good for his cursing this day. And as David and 13
his men went by the way, Shimei went along on the hill's
side over against him, and cursed as he went, and threw
stones at him, and cast dust. And the king, and all the 14
people that were with him, came weary, and refreshed them-
selves there.

15 — 19. Absalom' s entrance into Jei'iisalem. HushaVs offer
of his services.
And Absalom, and all the people the men of Israel, came 15

11. this Benjamite\ Who has some plausible ground for spite
against a king who has succeeded to the honours once held by his
family.

the Lord hath bidden him] David recognises Shimei as the divinely
appointed instrument for his chastisement, and therefore he can say,
"the Lord hath bidden him." But Shimei's cursing was on his part
sinful, and God commands no man to sin. God makes use of the evil
passions of men to work out His purposes, but those evil passions are
not thereby excused or justified. See for example, Gen. xlv. 5 ; Acts
ii. 23. Since He is the Author and Cause of all things, and in a
certain sense nothing can be done without His Will, He is sometimes
said to do what He permits to be done, to command what He does not
forbid. See note on i Sam. xxvi. 19: and 2 Sam. xxiv. i.

12. mi/ie affliction] This reading is supported by the Sept. and
Vulg. and is probably right. Cp. Ps. xxv. 18. The Qri has mine eye,
which is explained to mean niy grief , but the expression is unparalleled.
The Kthibh gives mine iniquity, meaning, ' perhaps the Lord will look
graciously upon my guilt and pardon it,' but this does not suit the
following clause so well.

zuill requite me good] Cp. Ps. cix. ■26 — 28.

for his cursing] The E. V. follows the Qri. The Kthibh has my
cursing, i.e. the curse invoked upon me.

13. on the hill's side] See note on v. 6.

14. ca7ne zveary] There is no place mentioned to which thei'e at the
end of the verse can refer. It is clear from ch. xvii. 18, that the
halting-place was not Bahurim, but some place beyond it. We must
suppose that the name of the place has fallen out of the text, or that
the word for weary should be taken as a proper name to Ayephiin.
No such place is known, but it would be an appropriate name for a
caravansary or resting-place for travellers.

II. SAMUEL II

i62 II. SAMUEL, XVI. [vv. 16—21.

16 to Jerusalem, and Ahithophel with him. And it came to
pass, when Hushai the Archite, David's friend, was come
unto Absalom, that Hushai said unto Absalom, God save

17 the king, God save the king. And Absalom said to Hushai,
Is this thy kindness to thy friend? why wentest thou not

is with thy friend ? And Hushai said unto Absalom, Nay ;
but whom the Lord, and this people, and all the men of
Israel, choose, his will I be, and with him will I abide.

19 And again, whom should I serve ? should I not serve in
the presence of his son ? as I have served in thy father's
presence, so will I be in thy presence.

20 — 23. Ahithophers counsel.

20 Then said Absalom to Ahithophel, Give counsel among
2j you what we shall do. And Ahithophel said unto Absalom,

Go in unto thy father's concubines, which he hath left to
keep the house ; and all Israel shall hear that thou art
abhorred of thy father : then shall the hands of all that are

15—19. Absalom's entrance into Jerusalem. Hushai's offer
of his services.

15. Atid Absalom, &c.] The narrative of Absalom's proceedings is
continued from ch. xv. 12, 37. He seems to have entered Jerusalem soon
after David left it, perhaps about noon on the same day.

the men of Israel^ The term Israel is constantly applied to Absa-
lom's followers in this narrative. It is used in a general sense, and not
to signify the northern tribes as distinguished from Judah, for the
strength of the insurrection, originally at any rate, lay in the south.
See note on ch. xv. 10. Those who remained faithful to David are
never called the men ofytidah, but simply the people (ch. xv. 17, 23, 24,
30; xvi. , xvii. , xviii., xix).

16. God save the king\ Or, Long live the king : lit. Let the king
live: vivat Rex. See note on i Sam. x. 24.

20—23. AhITHOPHEL's COUNSEL.

21. And Ahithophel said, &c.] Ahithophel advised Absalom to
make a decisive assumption of royal authority by publicly taking
possession of the royal harem. This act was a claim of heirship and
succession^, and was not regarded with abhorrence by the Israelites,
whose feelings on such matters were blunted by the practice of
polygamy. See note on ch. iii. 7. Its object was to make the breach
between Absalom and his father irreparable, and to strengthen the
resolution of his followers, by proving that the rebellion was not to end
in his securing a pardon from his father and leaving them to their fate,
but that he was determined to run all risks.

^ A similar custom existed among the heathen Saxons. See Green's Making
of Eitglajid, p. 246.

vv. 22, 23; 1—3.] II. SAMUEL, XVI. XVII. 163

with thee be strong. So they spread Absalom a tent upon 22
the top of the house; and Absalom went in unto his father's
concubines in the sight of all Israel. And the counsel of 23
Ahithophel, which he counselled in those days, was as
if a man had inquired at the oracle of God : so was all the
counsel of Ahithophel both with David and with Absalom.

Ch. XVII. I — 14. AhithopheVs cou7isel defeated by Hushai.

Moreover Ahithophel said unto Absalom, Let me now 17
choose out twelve thousand men, and I will arise and pursue
after David this night : and I will come upon him while he 2
is weary and weak handed, and will make him afraid : and
all the people that are with him shall flee ; and I will smite
the king only : and I will bring back all the people unto 3
thee : the man whom thou seekest is as if all returned : so

22. tipon the top of the hotise] The fact that the very roof on which
David was walking when he secretly conceived his great sin was the
public scene of its punishment, and the nature of the punishment,
corresponding to the nature of the sin, as Nathan had foretold, make
this retribution signally striking. See ch. xii. 11, 12; and cp. 2 Kings
ix. 25, 26.

23. had inqjiij'ed at the oracle of God'\ Lit. had inquired of the
word of God=hz.^ inquired of God, which was done by means of the
Urim and Thummim in the breastplate upon the High-priest's ephod.
Cp. I Sam. X. 22.

Ch. XVII. 1—14. Ahithophel's counsel defeated by Hushai.

1. this night^ The night following David's flight and Absalom's
entrance into Jerusalem. Ahithophel's advice, given no doubt at the
council described in ch. xvi. 20, was excellent. The success of the
rebellion would be ensured by striking a sudden blow, and securing the
king's person. A small body of picked troops might easily have over-
taken David, who was not likely to get more than twelve or fifteen
miles from Jerusalem the first day.

2. will make him afraid^ The word describes the panic caused by
a sudden night attack, in the confusion of which David might easily be
seized.

3. the man, &c.] Lit. As the returning of all is the maji whom
thou seekest. The return of all the people to thee will be ensured by
the removal of David. If that is effected, there will be no civil war.
Ahithophel's use of the term "return" is a subtle flattery, implying
that David's followers were deserting their lawful sovereign. But the
true text is not improbably preserved by the Sept. : "And I will cause
all the people to return unto thee, as the bride returneth to her
husband. Only one man's life dost thou seek, and unto all the people

II — 2

i64 II. SAMUEL, XVII. [vv. 4— ii.

4 all the people shall be in peace. And the saying pleased

5 Absalom well, and all the elders of Israel. Then said
Absalom, Call now Hushai the Archite also, and let us hear

6 likewise what he saith. And when Hushai was come to
Absalom, Absalom spake unto him, saying, xAhithophel hath
spoken after this manner : shall we do after his saying ? if

7 not ; speak thou. And Hushai said unto Absalom, The
counsel that Ahithophel hath given is not good at this time.

8 For, (said Hushai,) thou knowest thy father and his men,
that they be mighty men^ and they be chafed in their minds,
as a bear robbed of her whelps in the field : and thy father

9 is a man of war, and will not lodge with the people. Be-
hold, he is hid now in some pit, or in some other place :
and it will come to pass, when sotne of them be overthrown
at the first, that whosoever heareth it will say, There is a

10 slaughter among the people that follow Absalom. And he
also that is valiant, whose heart is as the heart of a lion,
shall utterly melt : for all Israel knoweth that thy father is
a mighty maii^ and they which be with him are valiant men.

11 Therefore I counsel that all Israel be generally gathered

there shall be peace." The defection of the people is compared to the
momentary desertion of a bride, who speedily returns to her husband.

4. the elders of Israel'\ Who were sitting in council with Absalom.
For the various functions of the elders, see note on i Sam. viii. 4.

5. let MS hear likezvise what he saith'] Let US hear what he too has
to say, as well as Ahithophel.

7. The counsel, &c.] The counsel -which Ahithophel hath coun-
selled this time is not good : in contrast to his previous counsel (ch.
xvi. 21), which Hushai pretends to approve.

8. For, said Hushai\ And Hushai said.

chafed i7t their minds] Lit. bitter of soul : embittered and exasperated.
Cp. Jud. xviii. 25; I Sam. xxii. 2.

as a bear robbed of her whelps] Proverbial for its ferocity. Cp.
Prov. xvii. 12; Hos. xiii. 8. The Syrian bear is said to be particularly
ferocious. See i Sam. xvii. 34. The Sept. adds, "and like a savage
sow in the plain," which is rather a Greek than a Hebrew simile. Cp.
Hom. //. xiii. 471 fif.

9. in some pit, or in some o\kitx place] Omit other. By pit is meant
a cave or natural hiding-place ; by place an artificially strengthened
position.

when sojne of them be overthrown] Or, when he (David) falleth
upon them (his assailants).

11. be generally gathered] Generally = 'as a whole': as we might
say, "that there be a general gathering of all Israel."

vv. 12—14.] n. SAMUEL, XVII. 165

unto thee, from Dan even to Beer-sheba, as the sand that is
by the sea for multitude; and that thou go to battle in thine
own person. So shall we come upon him in some place
where he shall be found, and we will light upon him as the
dew falleth on the ground : and of him and of all the men
that are with him there shall not be left so much as one.
Moreover, if he be gotten into a city, then shall all Israel
bring ropes to that city, and we will draw it into the river,
until there be not one small stone found there. And Ab-
salom and all the men of Israel said, The counsel of Hushai
the Archite is better than the counsel of Ahithophel. For
the Lord had appointed to defeat the good counsel of
Ahithophel, to the intent that the Lord might bring evil
upon Absalom.

from Dan even to Beer-sheha] See note on i Sam. iii. 20.

the sand, &c.] A common figure for an innumerable multitude. Cp.
Gen. xxii. 17 ; xli. 49 ; i Sam. xiii. 5 ; Ps. Ixxviii. 27 ; &c.

and thai thou go, &c.] Or, and tliat thy presence go in the midst of
them; as the Sept., Vulg., and other versions read instead of to the
battle.

12. as the deiu] As the innumerable drops of dew settle on the
ground unseen and unheard, so will our vast army completely over-
whelm him without perceptible effort.

13. into the rive/'] Into the ravine. Hushai intentionally indulges
in an extravagant hyperbole in order to describe the irresistible power
of the force that would be gathered, if he means to suggest the idea of
dragging a city bodily down from the rock on which, like most fortified
cities, it was built: but perhaps he means no more than that the city
should be conquered and demolished as a penalty. Compare Micah's
prophecy of the destruction of Samaria, which stood on a hill : "I will
pour down the stones thereof into the valley" (Micah i. 6).

14. Hushai saw that it was essential to gain time, "in order," to
quote the words of Tacitus, "to give the disaffected time to repent, and
the loyal time to unite : crimes gain by hasty action, better counsels by
delay." (Tac. Hist.'x. 32.) His scheme was cleverly devised to appeal to
Absalom's vanity and love of display. It seemed safe and easy : it was
a far more attractive idea for Absalom to march in person against
David at the head of an immense army, than for him to let Ahithophel
complete the revolution by a decisive action at once. His vanity proved
his ruin. He forgot that a general levy would involve no slight delay :
he forgot that the rising was by no means certain to be general, and
that when the first surprise of the insurrection was over, many would
return to their allegiance to David. But Absalom and his counsellors
were blinded by a divinely ordered infatuation. "Quem vult Deus
deperdere, dementat prius."

i66 II. SAMUEL, XVII. [w. 15—19.

15 — 22. HusJiai sends word to David by Jonathan and
Ahimaaz.

15 Then said Hushai unto Zadok and to Abiathar the priests,
Thus and thus did Ahithophel counsel Absalom and the
elders of Israel; and thus and thus have I counselled.

16 Now therefore send quickly, and tell David, saying, Lodge
not this night in the plains of the wilderness, but speedily
pass over; lest the king be swallowed up, and all the people

17 that are with him. Now Jonathan and Ahimaaz stayed by
En-rogel ; for they might not be seen to come into the city :
and a wench went and told them ; and they went and told

18 king David. Nevertheless a lad saw them, and told Ab-
salom : but they went both of them away quickly, and came
to a man's house in Bahurim, which had a well in his court ;

19 whither they went down. And the woman took and spread

15—22. Hushai sends word to David by Jonathan and
Ahimaaz.

16. Lodge not this mg/it] A prudent precaution, for Absalom might
change his mind, and follow Ahithophel's counsel after all.

m the plains of the wildcrness'\ Perhaps we should read at the fords
of the wilderness. See note on ch. xv. 28.

17. Jonathan and Ahimaaz\ Hushai had evidently communicated
David's plan to Zadok and Abiathar, and comxmissioned the young men
to be in waiting at a convenient place.

En-rogel'X That is, "The Fuller's Fountain," probably the modern
"Fountain of the Virgin," in the valley of the Kidron, just outside the
city on the south-east. It was close to "the stone of Zoheleth" (i Kings
i. 9), which has been identified with the cliff Zahweileh, on which the
modern village of Siloam stands. Others however suppose En-rogel to
be the deep and ancient well known as "Job's Well," near the junction
of the valleys of the Kidron and Hinnom. En-rogel was a land-maidc
on the boundary between Judah and Benjamin (Josh. xv. 7; xviii. 16).

they might not be seen] For it was notorious that the high-priests
were on David's side. They knew that their movements would be
watched, as the next verse shews was the case.

a wench] The maid-servant: the definite article probably denotes
a particular servant belonging to the household of one of the high-priests.
She could go to the fountain for water without exciting suspicion.
Wench, found here only in the E. V., means a girl, usually one of low
birth.

18. a well] A cistern, dry at the time. The existence of numerous
rock-cut cisterns with narrow mouths at Almft, the probable site of
Bahurim, illustrates the incident. See Pal. Expl. Fund Quarterly
Statement, Jan. 1 881, p. 45. •

w. 20—23.] n. SAMUEL, XVII. 167

a covering over the well's mouth, and spread ground corn
thereon ; and the thing was not known. And when Ab- 20
salom's servants came to the woman to the house, they
said, Where is iVhimaaz and Jonathan? And the woman
said unto them, They be gone over the brook of water.
And when they had sought and could not find tJmn^ they
returned to Jerusalem. And it came to pass, after they 21
were departed, that they came up out of the well, and went
and told king David, and said unto David, Arise, and pass
quickly over the water: for thus hath Ahithophel counselled
against you. Then David arose, and all the people that 22
were with him, and they passed over Jordan : by the morn-
ing light there lacked not one of them that was not gone
over Jordan.

23. The suicide of Ahithophel.

And when Ahithophel saw that his counsel was not fol- 23
lowed, he saddled his ass, and arose, and gat him ho?ne to
his house, to his city, and put his household in order, and
hanged himself, and died, and was buried in the sepulchre
of his father.

19. a covering] The covering", either the usual cover of the cistern,
or, as the general use of the word suggests, the curtain which hung in
the doorway. See Ex. xxvi. 36 (E. V. hanging).

ground corn] Bruised or husked wheat, which she spread out as if
to dry. The mode of its preparation is referred to in Prov. xxvii. 22,
the only other passage in which the word occurs.

20. T/ie brook of water] The word Michal, translated bj'ook, is
found here only. It may have been some local name. The woman
sent the pursuers off in the wrong direcition, and then at once despatched
Jonathan and Ahimaaz. Compare the deceit practised by Rahab (Josh,
ii. 4 ff.), and by Michal (i Sam. xix. 12 — 17). As stated in the note on
the latter passage, Holy Scripture affirms the universal duty of Truth
without any exception (Lev. xix. 11), nor can it be understood to
sanction breaches of this general law by recording them without express
disapproval. See also note on ch. xv. 34. It is left to the casuist to
discuss whether any necessity is sufficient to justify a falsehood or an
act of deception. See Whewell's Elements of Morality, Chaps, xv. xvi.

23. The suicide of Ahithophel.

23. to his citj'] Giloh. See ch. xv. 12.

put his hottsehold in order] Lit. gave charge concerning his house:
arranged his affairs and made his will. Cp. 2 Kings xx. i.

hanged himself] Like Judas (Matt, xxvii. 5). It is the first deliberate

i68 II. SAMUEL, XVII. [vv. 24—27.

24 — 26. Progress of the Rebellion,

24 • Then David came to Mahanaim. And Absalom passed

25 over Jordan, he and all the men of Israel with him. And
Absalom made Amasa captain of the host instead of Joab :
which Amasa was a man's son, whose name was Ithra an
Israelite, that went in to Abigal the daughter of Nahash,

26 sister to Zeruiah Joab's mother. So Israel and Absalom
pitched ill the land of Gilead.

27 — 29. Loyal receptio7i of David at Mahanaim.

27 And it came to pass, when David was come to Mahanaim,

suicide on record, and was prompted by mortification at the rejection of
his counsel ; by the chagrin of baffled ambition ; by the conviction that
now the rebellion would inevitably fail, and that he would only live to
suffer a traitor's death.

24—26. Progress of the Rebellion.

24. to Mahanaim'\ See note on ch. ii. 8. It was chosen for David's
head-quarters as the most important and strongest city in the trans-
Jordanic country, which was evidently the least disaffected.

And Absalom passed over Jorda7i\ Before this a considerable interval
must have elapsed, dui'ing which Absalom was formally anointed (ch.
xix. 10), and a general levy of the nation raised according to Hushai's
counsel, while David had time to organize his forces and establish him-
self at Mahanaim.

25. Amasa^ It has been supposed by some that he is the same as
Aviasai who came to David at Hebron (i Chr. xii. 16 — 18). But if so,
would not the fact of his relationship to David have been mentioned
there ?

Ithra an Israelite^ Called in i Chr. ii. 17 Jether the Ishmeelite.
Jether and Ithra are different forms of the same name : and Ishmaelite
should probably be read here in place of Israelite, which has no point.
The Alex. MS. of the LXX reads Ishmaelite, the Vatican MS. Jezreelite.

Abigal the daughter of Nahash'] Amasa's mother Abigal (or Abigail)
was David's sister, and we should naturally infer from i Chr. ii. 16, 17
that Abigail and Zeruiah were Jesse's daughters. Who then was
Nahash? To this three answers may be given, (i) The obvious one,
that she was Jesse's wife, to which the objection is that Nahash is not
a woman's name. (2) That Nahash is another name for Jesse, which
is the Jewish tradition, but is not supported by any evidence. (3) That
Nahash was the first husband of Jesse's wife, so that Abigail and
Zeruiah were only step-sisters to David. This view has in its favour
the guarded statement of i Chr. ii. 16, which does not say that they
were Jesse's daughters, but sisters of his sons. To go on to identify
Nahash with the king of the Ammonites defeated by Saul is mere con-
jecture. It should be noted that Amasa and Joab were cousins.

vv. 28, 29; I.] II. SAMUEL, XVII. XVIII. 169

that Shobi the son of Nahash of Rabbah of the children of
Amnion, and Machir the son of Ammiel of Lo-debar, and
Barzillai the Gileadite of Rogelim, brought beds, and basons, 23
and earthen vessels, and wheat, and barley, and flour, and
parched corn, and beans, and lentiles, and parched pulse,
and honey, and butter, and sheep, and cheese of kine, for 29
David, and for the people that were with him, to eat : for
they said. The people is hungry, and weary, and thirsty, in
the wilderness.

Ch. XVIII. 1—8. The battle in the forest of Ephraim.
And David numbered the people that were with him, and 18

27 — 29. Loyal reception of David at Mahanaim.

27. when David was come to Mahanai77i\ The narrative is con-
tinued from V. 24. What follows happened immediately on David's
arrival there.

Shobi the son of Nahash of Rabbah'] It is natural to suppose that
Shobi was a brother of Hanun (ch. x. i), who had been invested with
some kind of dependent chieftainship by David after the conquest of
the Ammonites, and now came to testify his gratitude.

Machir] See note on ch. ix. 4. He who had entertained Jonathan's
son now shews hospitality to Jonathan's friend.

Barzillai the Gileadite of Rogelim] Who came down to escort the
king over Jordan on his return, but declined to accompany him to
Jerusalem (xix. 31 — 40). His sons were commended to Solomon's care
(i Kings ii. 7) and as late as the Return from the Captivity a family of
priests traced their descent from one of his daughters (Ezra ii. 61 — 63 ;
Neh. vii. 63). The site of Rogelim is unknown.

28. beds, and basons] The Sept. reads "ten beds with coverlets and
ten bowls. "

parched zoxtv.. parched pulse] If the text is sound, this is the right
explanation : but it is strange that the same word should be twice
repeated in one sentence to denote different articles. The Sept. omits
the second.

29. butter] Curdled milk is probably meant, called leben by the
modern Arabs, and greatly esteemed as a refreshing drink. Cp. Jud.
V. 25.

cheese of kine] So the Targum explains a word which occurs here
only. The Vulg. gives fat calves, which agrees better with the position
of the word after s/ieep.

The people is hungry] The people iLath got hungry, &c., in their
passage through the wilderness.

Ch. XVIII. 1 — 8. The battle in the forest of Ephraim.
1. And David, &c.] The events here recorded cannot have fol-
lowed immediately on David's arrival at Mahanaim. An interval of a

I70 II. SAMUEL, XVIII. [w. 2—7.

set captains of thousands and captains of hundreds over

2 them. And David sent forth a third part of the people
under the hand of Joab, and a third part under the hand of
Abishai the son of Zeruiah, Joab's brother, and a third part
under the hand of Ittai the Gittite. And the king said unto

3 the people, I will surely go forth with you myself also. But
the people answered, Thou shalt not go forth : for if we flee
away, they will not care for us ; neither if half of us die,
will they care for us : but now thou art worth ten thousand
of us : therefore now it is better that thou succour us out of

4 the city. And the king said unto them. What seemeth you
best I will do. And the king stood by the gate side, and
all the people came out by hundreds and by thousands.

5 And the king commanded Joab and Abishai and Ittai,
saying, Deal gently for my sake with the young man, even
with Absalom. And all the people heard when the king

6 gave all the captains charge concerning Absalom. So the
people went out into the held against Israel : and the battle

7 was in the wood of Ephraim \ where the people of Israel

few weeks must be assumed, during which the rival armies were mus-
tered and organized. Cp. note on ch. xvii. 24.

numbered^ The word means not merely to count, but to tmister and
review.

captains of thousands and captains of hundred s'\ The usual military
divisions (i Sam. xxii. 7; Num. xxxi. 14; and see note on i Sam.
viii. 12) ; corresponding originally to the civil divisions instituted by
Moses (Ex. xviii. 25). See note on i Sam. x. 19.

2. sent forth.. Muder the hand of Joab] Better, put... into the
liand of Joab, i. e. under his command. The army does not take the
field until v. 6. The division of an army into three bodies seems to
have been a common practice. See Jud. vii. 16, ix. 43 ; i Sam. xi. 11.
David intended to take the chief command in person.

3. Thou shalt not go fort hi Compare the protest of David's fol-
lowers on an earlier occasion (ch. xxi. 17).

btit noiv thou art worth ten thousand of us'\ As the Heb. text stands
it must be rendered, and now there are ten thousand like us ; but, it is
implied, none besides like thee. But if we follow the Sept. and Vulg.
in reading thou for now, the sense will be that given by the E. V.,
which seems best.

that thou succour us out of the city] By sending reinforcements, and
securing their retreat in case of a defeat.

5. all the people heard] Cp. "in our hearing" in 7^. 12.

6. in the wood of Ephraijri] "The forest of Ephraim" might
naturally be expected to mean the great forest covering the high lands

vv. 8, 9.] II. SAMUEL, XVIII. 171

were slain before the servants of David, and there was there
a great slaughter that day of twenty thousand men. For 8
the battle was there scattered over the face of all the coun-
try: and the wood devoured more people that day than
the sword devoured.

9 — 18. Ahsaloui^s death.

And Absalom met the servants of David. And Ab- 9
salom rode upon a mule, and the mule went under the
thick boughs of a great oak, and his head caught hold
of the oak, and he was taken up between the heaven

of central Palestine in which the tribe of Ephraim settled (Josh. xvii.
15 — iS). But all the circumstances are in favour of supposing the
battle to have been fought on the eastern side of the Jordan, {a) Ab-
salom marched into Gilead and encamped there (ch. xvii. 26) ; David
was at Mahanaim ; and there is not the slightest hint that either army
crossed the Jordan, {b) It is implied beforehand that the battle would
be in the neighbourhood of Mahanaim (ch. xviii. 3). [c) The return of
the army to Mahanaim on the same day (ch. xix. 2 — 5), would scarcely
have been possible, had the battle been fought on the west of the
Jordan. These considerations make it all but certain that "the wood
of Ephraim " was some part of the great forests of Gilead. The origin
of the name can only be conjectured. It may possibly have been
derived from the connexion of Ephraim with the trans-Jordanic
Manasseh, or from some incident such as the slaughter of the Ephraim-
ites by Jephthah (Jud. xii. 6).

8. the wood dcvo7ired more, &c.] The explanation generally given
is that they perished in the pits and precipices and morasses of the
forest : but this seems unlikely. More probably it means that owing
to the nature of the ground more were slain in the pursuit through the
forest, than in the actual battle.

9—18. Absalom's Death.

9. And Absalom, &c.] And Absalom happened to find himself in
the presence of David's servants : now Absalom was riding upon his
miUe, and the mule, &c. In the course of the flight, Absalom found
himself among enemies : he turned to escape into the denser part of
the forest. The mule which he rode — perhaps David's own — was a
mark of royalty (i Kings i. 33, 38).

a great oak] The great terebinth ; the article seems to shew that
the tree was well known in after times. The Heb. ^/ah is generally
said to denote the terebinth or turpentine tree, which is not unlike the
oak in general appearance: but in the forests on the E. of Jordan, oaks
are far more common than terebinths, and some kind of oak may be
meant.

/lis head caught hold of the oah] His head was caught in the forked

-172 II. SAMUEL, XVIII. [vv. 10—14.

and the earth; and the mule that was under him went

10 away. And a certain man saw it, and told Joab, and

11 said, Behold, I saw Absalom hanged in an oak. And Joab
said unto the man that told him. And behold, thou sawest
him, and why didst thou not smite him there to the ground?
and I would have given thee ten shekels of silver, and a

12 girdle. And the man said unto Joab, Though I should
receive a thousand shekels of silver in mine hand, yet would
I not put forth mine hand against the king's son : for in
our hearing the king charged thee and Abishai and Ittai,
saying, Beware that none touch the young man Absalom.

13 Otherwise I should have wrought falsehood against mine
own life : for there is no matter hid from the king, and thou

14 thyself wouldest have set thyself against 7ne. Then said
Joab, I may not tarry thus with thee. And he took three

boughs of the tree, and he hung there, stunned and helpless. Perhaps
his long thick hair got entangled, but there is nothing to support the
common idea that he was suspended merely by his hair.

11. ten shekels] Shekels is rightly supplied, as in i Kings x. ^29, and
elsewhere. The shekel weighed about half an ounce ; but its real value
at the time cannot be fixed.

a girdle'] An essential article of Oriental dress, often of costly mate-
rials and highly ornamented. Cp. i Sam. xviii. 4.

12. Beware that none touch] Or, Have a care, all of you, of the
young" man Absalom : lit. as in the margin, whosoever ye be. But
the Sept. and Vulg. ready^r my sake, as in v. 5, in place o{ whosoever.

13. / should have wj'ought falsehood against mine oivn life] I should
not only have disobeyed the king, but have been false to my own in-
terest and forfeited my life. The Kthibh reads his life, thus : Or if I had
dealt deceitfully against his life, there is ttothing hid, &c. : i.e., if I had
treacherously slain him contrary to the king's command, it would
certainly have come to the king's ears, and I should have been put to
death. The Sept. has a different reading, connecting the first clause of
z/. 13 with V. 14, thus : "Take care of the young man Absalom for my
sake, that ye do no harm against his life: and there is no matter
hid," &c.

wouldest have set thyself against me] Wouldest have taken part
against me with the king. The man was well aware of Joab's un-
scrupulous character.

14. three darts] Since the word used means elsewhere rods or
staves {^y.. xxi. 20; 2 Sam. xxiii. 21), and the wounds inflicted were
not at once mortal, it seems that Joab struck Absalom brutally with
pointed wooden staves, the first weapons which came to hand, in fact
in a kind of way impaled him as a traitor, and left his squires to give
him the coup de gi'dce.

vv. 15— i8.J II. SAMUEL, XVIII. 173

darts in his hand, and thrust them through the heart of Ab-
salom, while he was yet alive in the midst of the oak. And 15
ten young men that bare Joab's armour compassed about
and smote Absalom, and slew him. And Joab blew the 16
trumpet, and the people returned from pursuing after Israel :
for Joab held back the people. And they took Absalom, 17
and cast him into a great pit in the wood, and laid a very
great heap of stones upon him : and all Israel fled every
one to his tent. Now Absalom in his lifetime had taken 18
and reared up for himself a pillar, which is in the king's
dale : for he said, I have no son to keep my name in
remembrance : and he called the pillar after his own name :
and it is called unto this day, Absalom's place.

throiigh the Jieart\ Not literally through his heart, for the blows did
not kill him outright ; but into the midst of his body.

15. sleiv hint] Absalom's death was unquestionably the speediest
and surest means of putting an end to the rebellion ; and Joab probably
took credit to himself for serving his country while he satisfied his
private revenge (ch. xiv. 30).

16. bliTcO the triunpet'\ Sounded the recall to stop further pursuit.
Cp. ch. ii. 28, XX. 12.

17. a very great heap of stoiies'\ A monument of shame over the
rebel's grave, as over that of Achan (Josh. vii. 26), and the king of Ai
(Josh. viii. 29). Some think it was symbolic of the stoning which was
the penalty of a rebel son (Deut. xxi. 20, 21). It is still a custom in the
East for passers by to cast stones on the grave of a malefactor. See The
Land and the Book, p. 490.

fed every orieto his tent] To his home. The use of the word tent is
a relic of primitive nomad life. Cp. ch. xx. i, 22.

18. the king s dale] In Gen. xiv. 17 "the king's dale" is given as
an alternative name for " the valley of Shaveh" in which the king of
Sodom met Abram. But its situation is uncertain. Josephus {Antiq.
VII. 10. 3) says that Absalom's monument was two furlongs distant from
Jerusalem, and in accordance with this statement the Tomb of Absalom
is shewn in the valley of the Kidron. But this building is of Roman
work ; and it cannot even mark the site of Absalom's monument, for the
" king's dale " was a broad open valley (Heb. cmek), not a narrow ravine
like the Kidron (Heb. nachal).

I have no son] His three sons (ch. xiv. 27) must have all died
young.

AbsalojJi's place] Lit. Absalom^ s hand, i.e. monument. Cp. r Sam.
XV. 12. The historian evidently intends to mark the contrast between
this splendid cenotaph, and the heap of stones which marked the rebel's
grave in the forest of Ephraim.

174 n. SAMUEL, XVIII. [vv. 19—25.

19 — 32. The news carried to David.

19 ' Then said Ahimaaz the son of Zadok, Let me now run,
and bear the king tidings, how that the Lord hath avenged

20 him of his enemies. And Joab said unto him, Thou shalt
not bear tidings this day, but thou shalt bear tidings another
day : but this day thou shalt bear no tidings, because the

21 king's son is dead. Then said Joab to Cushi, Go tell the
king what thou hast seen. And Cushi bowed himself unto

22 Joab, and ran. Then said Ahimaaz the son of Zadok yet
again to Joab, But howsoever, let me, I pray thee, also run
after Cushi. And Joab said, Wherefore wilt thou run, my

23 son, seeing that thou hast no tidings ready ? But how-
soever, said he, let me run. And he said unto him. Run.
Then Ahimaaz ran by the way of the plain, and overran

24 Cushi. And David sat between the two gates : and the
watchman went up to the roof over the gate unto the wall,
and lift up his eyes, and looked, and behold a man running

25 alone. And the watchman cried, and told the king. And

19—32. The news carried to David.

19. hath avenged hhn of his ene??iies] Lit. judged him out of the
hand of his eneinies : pronounced a favourable verdict in his cause and
delivered him. Cp. i Sam. xxiv. 15 ; Ps. xliii. i,

20. dear tidings'] The word with rare exceptions means to bear good
tidings, and this meaning should be retained here and in v. 19. Joab
would not let Ahimaaz have the thankless task of carrying news which
to the king would be no good news.

21. Ciish2\ Rather, the Cushite, an Ethiopian slave in Joab's
service, who would have little to lose by the king's displeasure.

22. thoti hast no tidings ready] Probably, thou hast no good tidings
to get a reward ; cp. the Sept. " thou hast no good tidings for profit
if thou goest:" and the Vulg. "thou wilt not be a bearer of good
tidings."

23. by the way of the plain] "The plain" (Heb. kikkar) is the
technical term for the floor of the valley through which the Jordan runs.
In our ignorance of the exact position of the battlefield, we cannot
trace the routes taken by the rival runners with certainty. But in all
probability what is meant is that Ahimaaz struck down into the Jordan
valley, and ran by a longer but easier route to Mahanaim, while the
Cushite took the direct but more difficult route over the hills.

24. between the two gates] In the space between the inner and outer
gates of the city gateway.

to the roof over the gate unto the wall] To that side of the flat roof
of the gateway which was in the outer wall of the city.

vv. 26—30.] II. SAMUEL, XVIII. 175

the king said, If he be alone, there is tidings in his mouth.
And he came apace, and drew near. And the watchman 26
saw another man running : and the watchman called unto
the porter, and said, Behold another man running alone.
And the king said. He also bringeth tidings. And the 27
watchman said, Me thinketh the running of the foremost is
like the running of Ahimaaz the son of Zadok. And the
king said, He is a good man, and cometh with good tidings.
And Ahimaaz called, and said unto the king, All is well. 23
And he fell down to the earth upon his face before the king,
and said, Blessed be the Lord thy God, which hath deli-
vered up the men that lift up their hand against my lord
the king. And the king said. Is the young man Absalom 29
safe ? And Ahimaaz answered, When Joab sent the king's
servant, and me thy servant, I saw a great tumult, but I
knew not what it was. And the king said unto him^ Turn 30

25. Jf he be alone, &c,] If the army had been routed, a number of
fugitives would have been seen coming together.

26. unto the porter] The Sept. reads " into the gate." The differ-
ence is a question of vowel points only.

27. He is a good jnan, &c.] The king rightly judged, that Joab
would not choose a distinguished messenger like Ahimaaz to carry bad
news {v. 20).

28. Alliszueir\ Lit. Peace ! The usual word of greeting had special
significance at such a time.

he fell down] An act of homage to the king. See note on ch. xiv.
4, and cp. I Sam. xx. 41, xxv. 23.

delivered tip] Lit. shut up : restrained and confined within bounds,
instead of leaving them at large to work their will. Cp. i Sam. xvii.
46 ; Ps. xxxi. 8, and the opposite expression in ch. xxii. 20.

29. Is the young man Absalom safe] Taking up the exclamation of
Ahimaaz ; Is it 'well "witli tlie young man Absalom ? lit. Is there peace
to the youjig man Absalom ? Cp. 2 Kings iv. 26. " Not only the ques-
tion itself, but the very terms of it, breathe the tenderness of David's
feelings. Absalom is ' the youth,' as if his youth were a full excuse
for his conduct." Speaker's Co7nm.

the king's servant] The Cushite, to whom Ahimaaz points as he comes
up. But it is not improbable that the kin^s servant is an alternative
reading for thy servant, originally written in the margin, and afterwards
inserted in the text, so that we should read simply tahcn Joab sent thy
servant.

I knew not luhat it was] Ahimaaz was eager to be first with the good
news, but deliberately concealed the bad. Can it be wondered at that
his regard for truth had been weakened when we remember the business
he had been engaged in at David's command ?

176 II. SAMUEL, XVIII. XIX. [vv. 31— 33; 1,2.

aside, a?id stand here. And he turned aside, and stood

31 still. And bcliold, Cushi came ; and Cushi said, Tidings,
my lord the king : for the Lord hath avenged thee tJiis day

32 of all them that rose up against thee. And the king said
unto Cushi, Is tlie young man Absalom safe? And Cushi
answered, The enemies of my lord the king, and all tliat
rise against thee to do thee hurt, be as that young man is.

33. David'' s inournin^^for Absalo??t.

33 And the king was much moved, and went up to the
chamber over the gate, and wept : and as he went, thus he
said, O my son Absalom, my son, my son Absalom : would
God I had died for thee, O Absalom, my son, my son.

C H. XIX. I — 8. David roused from his grief by Jo ah.

X9 And it was told Joab, Behold, the king weepcth and
2 mourn eth for Absalom. And the victory tliat day was

31. Tuii)}[^s, &c,] The plirase is not so abrupt in tlic TTcb., and
more suitable in llic slave's muuth. Let my lord tlie king receive
the good tidings, that, &c.

haih avenged] See note on v. 19.

33. David's mourning for Absalom.
33. was much moved'] Better perhaps, was sore troubled. Sept.
irapdxdv is a good rendering. This passionate outburst of jnicf was
due not only to the tenderness of affection, which was so strikini,^ a trait
in David's character, but to the bitterness of the thought that tlie rebel,
the would-be parricide, was thus

" Cut off even in the blossoms of his sin,
No reckoning made, but sent to his account
With all his imperfections on his head;"
and that this terrible catastrophe was the fruit and the punishment of his
own crimes. The heart-broken cry " Would God I had died for Dice "
was not only the utterance of self-sacrificing love, but the confession
th.at he had himself deserved the punishment which fell upon another.
Cp. ch. xxiv. 17.

woit/d (iod, &c.] So Moses (Ex. xxxii. 32), and so St Paul (Rom.
ix. 3), would have sacrificed themselves, had it been possible, to save
others.

Cii. XIX. 1—8. David roused from his grief ky Joab.

2. the victory] The IIe1). word means literally the salvation or
deliverance. Cp. i Sam. ix. 16, xi. 3; 2 Sam. iii. 18, &c.

vv. 3—7-] II. SAMUEL, XIX. 177

turned into mourning unto all the people : for the people
heard say that day how the king was grieved for his son.
And the people gat them by stealth that day into the city, as 3
people being ashamed steal away when they flee in battle.
But the king covered his face, and the king cried with a loud 4
voice, O my son Absalom, O Absalom, my son, my son.
And Joab came into the house to the king, and said, Thou 5
hast shamed this day the faces of all thy servants, which
this day have saved thy life, and the lives of thy sons and of
thy daughters, and the lives of thy wives, and the lives of
thy concubines ; in that thou lovest thine enemies, and <5
hatest thy friends : for thou hast declared this day, that thou
regardest neither princes nor servants : for tJiis day I per-
ceive, that if Absalom had lived, and all we had died tJiis
day, then it had pleased thee well. Now therefore arise, go 7
forth, and speak comfortably unto thy servants : for I swear

3. gat them by stealth, &c.] Out of respect for the king's sorrow the
army stole into the city silently in small parties, like disgraced fugitives,
instead of entering in military order with shouts of triumph for the
victory.

that day] Clearly the day of the battle, which must therefore have
been fought in the neighbourhood of Mahanaim. See notes on eh.
xviii. 6.

as people, &c,] Better, as the people steal In who have disgraced
themselves by fleeing in the battle.

4. covered his face] See note on ch. xv. 30.

5. yoab came into the house to the hi/i<f\ The crisis illustrates the
good as well as the bad features of Joab's character — his loyalty to
David, and his practical sagacity, as well as his hard unsympathetic
nature. Exaggerated and unfeeling as his speech was, it roused David
from the extravagance of his grief to a sense of his duty, and saved him
from flinging away the fruits of the victory.

Thou hast shamed, «S:c.] Disappointed their hopes of rejoicing for the
victory : treated them like offenders instead of benefactors.

have saved thy life, &c.] For had Absalom been victorious, he would
doubtless have put to death all rival claimants to the throne, and pos-
sibly other members of the king's household. Cp. Jud. ix. 5 ; i Kings
XV. 29 ; xvi. II ; 2 Kings x. 6, xi. i.

6. vcitlier princes nor servants] Neither the captains of the army
(ch. xviii. I, 5), nor the soldiers.

7. speak comfortably] Speak to them in a friendly way, encourage
them, and appease their discontent.

I swear, &c.] This is not a threat that he will persuade the army
to desert David ; but an asseveration in the strongest possible terms

II. SAMUEL 12

178 II. SAMUEL, XIX. [vv. 8— ii.

by the Lord, if thou go not forth, there will not tarry one
with thee this night : and that will be worse unto thee than

8 all the evil that befell thee from thy youth until now. Then
the king rose, and sat in the gate. And they told unto all
the people, saying, Behold, the king doth sit in the gate.
And all the people came before the king: for Israel had
fled every man to his tent.

9 — 15. Negotiatiojis for David^ s restoration. His return.

9 And all the people were at strife throughout all the tribes
of Israel, saying, The king saved us out of the hand of our
enemies, and he delivered us out of the hand of the Philis-
tines; and now he is fled out of the land for Absalom.

10 And Absalom, whom we anointed over us, is dead in battle.
Now therefore why speak ye not a word of bringing the king

11 back? And king David sent to Zadok and to Abiathar the
priests, saying, Speak unto the elders of Judah, saying, Why
are ye the last to bring the king back to his house? seeing
the speech of all Israel is come to the king, even to his

that they will not continue faithful to a king wlio allows a private grief
to outweigh his gratitude for their services.

8. in the gate\ Where kings and rulers were accustomed to give
audience to their subjects. See note on ch. xv. ■2.

for Israel had fled'\ The words should begin a new sentence, But
Israel had fled, &c. Israel^ that part of the nation which had followed
Absalom, is contrasted with "the people," i.e. David's army. The
sentence resumes the narrative from ch. xviii. 17, and prepares the way
for the account which follows.

9—15. Negotiations for David's restoration. His return.

10. whom we anointed^ The anointing of Absalom is not elsewhere
mentioned.

At the end of the verse the Sept. adds, "And the word of all
Israel came to the king," that is, either he heard of the movement for
his restoration, or he actually received overtures from Israel. The
clause is necessary to introduce v. w.

11. the elders of Jjidalil The representatives of the tribe, who
would naturally be its leaders in the restoration of the king. Cp. ch.
v. 3. Their backwardness is explained by the prominent part which
Judah had taken in the insurrection (see note on ch. xv. 10), while
David's message to the priests was prompted by the desire to conciliate
the good will of the most powerful tribe of the nation, and persuade
them to take a leading part in his recall.

seeing the speech. ..even to his house'] The words even to his house

vv. 12—16.] II. SAMUEL, XIX. i;^

house. Ye are my brethren, ye are my bones and my flesh : 12
wherefore then are ye the last to bring back the king? And 13
say ye to Amasa, Art thou not of my bone, and of my
flesh? God do so to me, and more also, if thou be not
captain of the host before me continually in the room of
Joab. And he bowed the heart of all the men of Judah, 14
even as the heart of one man ; so that they sent this 7Uord
unto the king. Return thou, and all thy servants. So the is
king returned, and came to Jordan. And Judah came to
Gilgal, to go to meet the king, to conduct the king over
Jordan.

16 — 44. David'' s ret mm. Episodes on the journey.
16 — 23. Shiinei sues for pa 7'doJt .
And Shimei the son of Gera, a Benjamite, which was of 16

give no satisfactory sense, and are probably an accidental repetition of
the previous to his house: and the clause seeing the speech of all Israel
is come to the king may either have stood here originally as well as at the
end of V. 10, where it is certainly required, or have been repeated by a
transcriber's error.

12. my bones and my flesh'\ See note on ch. v. i. Bones should
be, as there, tione.

13. Art thoti not of my bone, and of my flesh^ Art thou not my
bone and my flesh, exactly as in v. \i. Amasa was David's nephew,
the son of his sister or step-sister Abigail. See ch. xvii. 25. Of course
the message was to be privately conveyed to Amasa through the priests.
It was a bold stroke of policy to promise the post of commander-in
chief to the general of the rebel army. By so doing, David designed
at once to secure the allegiance of that army, and to punish Joab for
killing Absalom in defiance of his command. But it was hardly
prudent. Joab was certain not to submit to it tamely : Amasa's
military skill w^as probably inferior, and his loyalty remained to be
proved.

God do so, &c.] See note on ch. iii. 9.

in the room of foab'] i.e. instead of. Room = place, space, from
A.-S. rihn. Germ. Ratun. Cp. Matt. ii. 22.

14. And he bowed, &c.] By this message David inclined the hearts
of the men of Judah to restore him to the throne.

15. to Gilgal\ Gilgal, between Jericho and the Joi'dan, was the ren-
dezvous for the representatives of Judah — probably the elders — who
were sent to escort the king back to Jerusalem.

16 — 44. David's return. Episodes on the journey.
16 — 23. Shimei sues for pardon.

16. Shimci\ See ch. xvi. 5 ff. Shimei and Ziba came with guilty

12 2

l8o 11. SAMUEL, XIX. [w. 17—22.

Bahurim, hasted and came down with the men of Judah to
17 meet king David. And there were a thousand men of
Benjamin with him, and Ziba the servant of the house of
Saul, and his fifteen sons and his twenty servants with him ;
j8 and they went over Jordan before the king. And there went
over a ferry boat to carry over the king's household, and to
do what he thought good. And Shimei the son of Gera fell

19 down before the king, as he was come over Jordan ; and
said unto the king. Let not my lord impute iniquity unto
me, neither do thou remember that which thy servant did
perversely the day that my lord the king went out of

20 Jerusalem, that the king should take it to his heart. For
thy servant doth know that I have sinned : therefore, be-
hold, I am come the first this day of all the house of Joseph

81 to go down to meet my lord the king. But Abishai the son
of Zeruiah answered and said. Shall not Shimei be put to
death for this, because he cursed the Lord's anointed?

22 And David said, What have I to do with you, ye sons of

consciences to curry favour by seeming to shew special zeal in bringing
back the king.

17. And there were a thousand men of Benjamin with hitJi] Omit
there were, and join this clause to v. 16.

they went over Jordan before the king] Ziba and his retinue dashed
into the river and crossed it — the word for went over is a peculiar one,
expressing impetuous movement — to shew their zeal by meeting the king
on the eastern bank.

18. And there zvent over a ferry-boat] And the ferry-boat was
passing to and fro, placed at the service of the king by the men of
Judah.

as he was come over Jof'dan] This probably means as David was
crossing over the Jordan, i.e. during the general proceedings of the
transit, not necessarily during the actual passage. Shimei seems to
have crossed along with Ziba to meet the king on the eastern bank.
David's crossing is not mentioned till v. 39.

20. the house of Joseph] The ten tribes of Israel as distinguished
from Judah are thus named from Ephraim, the most powerful tribe
among them (Gen. xlviii. 5). Cp. Ps. Ixxviii. 67, 68 ; i Kings xi. 28 ;
Amos v. 6. Shimei the Benjamite claims to be the first representative
of Israel to welcome the king.

21. Abishai] True to his fierce, impetuous character. See ch.
xvi. 9.

cursed the Lord's anointed] Since the king was Jehovah's represen-
tative, to curse him was almost as heinous an offence as to curse
Jehovah Himself. Ex. xxii. 28; Lev. xxiv. 15 ; i Kings xxi. 10,

w. 23—26.] II. SAMUEL, XIX. 181

Zeruiah, that ye should this day be adversaries unto me ?
shall there any man be put to death this day in Israel ? for
do not I know that I am this day king over Israel? There- 23
fore the king said unto Shimei, Thou shalt not die. And
the king sware unto him.

24 — 30. Mephibosheth^ s meeting with David.
And Mephibosheth the son of Saul came down to meet 24
the king, and had neither dressed his feet, nor trimmed his
beard, nor washed his clothes, from the day the king de-
parted until the day he came again in peace. And it came to 23
pass, when he was come to Jerusalem to meet the king, that the
king said unto him. Wherefore wentest not thou with me,
Mephibosheth ? And he answered, My lord, O king, my ?.6
servant deceived me : for thy servant said, I will saddle me

22. adversaries] Opposing my true interests. The Heb. word is
saian. Cp. Matt. xvi. 23.

that I am this day king] The rejoicing of the day which saw him
restored to his kingdom must not be marred by any bloodshed. Cp.
I Sam. xi. 13.

23. the king sware unto hitti] David cannot be acquitted of break-
ing the spirit if not the letter of his oath by the charge which he gave
to Solomon (i Kings ii. 8£f.).

24—30. Mephibosheth's meeting with David.

24. had neither dressed his feet, &c.] The neglect of his person, the
unwashed feet, the untrimmed moustache, the soiled garments, were out-
ward signs of extreme grief. Cp. ch. xii. 20; Ezek. xxiv. 17. The
Sept. adds "nor trimmed his.nails," after "dressed his feet" (seeDeut.
xxi. 12), but the words are perhaps only a duplicate rendering of the
Hebrew.

beard] Properly moustaclie. The word occurs elsewhere only in
connexion with the custom of covering the upper lip or moustache in
mourning. See Lev. xiii. 45 ; Ezek. xxiv. 17, 22 ; Mic. iii. 7.

25. whejt he was come to JcTiisaleJu] If the r-eading is right, the
meeting between David and Mephibosheth must have taken place in
Jerusalem, and is introduced here out of the strictly chronological order,
because of the mention of Ziba in z^. 17. " Came down" in v.. 24 must
then be explained ' came down from his house in the highlands of
Benjamin near Gibeah to Jerusalem,' not ' came down from Jerusalem
to the Jordan.' The conclusion oiv. 30 agrees with the supposition
that Mephibosheth met David in Jerusalem. This is better than
rendering when Jerusalem (i.e. the inhabitants of. Jerusalem) came,
which is forced, or emending from Jeriisalem, which is a conjecture
supported by no external authority of value.

r82 II. SAMUEL, XIX. [vv. 27—31.

an ass, that I may ride thereon, and go to the king ; because

27 thy servant is lame. And he hath slandered thy servant
unto my lord the king ; but my lord the king is as an angel

28 of God : do therefore what is good in thine eyes. For all
of my father's house were but dead men before my lord the
king : yet didst thou set thy servant among them that did
eat at thine own table. What right therefore have I yet to

29 cry any more unto the king ? And the king said unto him,
Why speakest thou any more of thy matters ? I have said,

30 Thou and Ziba divide the land. And Mephibosheth said
unto the king, Yea, let him take all, forasmuch as my lord
the king is come agaiji in peace unto his own house.

31 — 40. Barzillafs farewell to David.

31 And Barzillai the Gileadite came down from Rogelim,

26. said, I will saddle me an ass'\ IMeaninjr of course, / will have
pry ass saddled. The Sept. however reads, said tinto him, Saddle me
the ass, which certainly suits the context better. Apparently Ziba,
after receiving the order, saddled the asses, loaded them with pro-
visions, and went to meet David with his fictitious story (ch. xvi. i),
leaving Mephibosheth in the lurch.

27. as an angel of God] To discern the truth, and decide justly.
Cp. ch. xiv. 17, 20.

28. were hct dead inei{\ For David might have put them all to
death. Possibly there is an allusion to the surrender of Saul's sons to the
Gibeonites (ch. xxi. 6 — 9).

-ivhat right, &c.] Since all David's favours to him were undeserved,
he had no ground for making a complaint, and demanding the restora-
tion of his property as a right.

29. Tlion and Ziba divide the land\ This is usually supposed to be
a compromise between the two claimants, either because David sus-
pected the truth of Mepliibosheth's story, or because he was unwilling
to alienate Ziba, and possibly a considerable party of Benjamites, by
entirely revoking the grant to him (ch. xvi. 4). But it may be a confirma-
tion of the original arrangement by which Ziba was to be Mephibo-
sheth's tenant, and as he certainly did not cultivate the land for
nothing, might be said to share it with him.

30. Yea, let him take all] Mephibosheth's affection was for his
master, not for his property. There is no reason for supposing that his
version of the story was false and Ziba's true, in spite of Blunt's in-
genious arguments to prove that he was a traitor and a hypocrite
{Undes. Coinc. p. 157 ff.).

31 — 40. Barzillai's farewell to David.

31. Barzillai] See ch. xvii. 27.

vv. 32—39.] n. SAMUEL, XIX. rSj

and went over Jordan with the king, to conduct him over
Jordan. Now Barzillai was a very aged man, even fourscore 32
years old : and he had provided the king of sustenance
while he lay at Mahanaim ; for he was a very great man.
And the king said unto Barzillai, Come thou over with me, 33
and I will feed thee with me in Jerusalem. And Barzillai 34
said unto the king, How long have I to live, that I should
go up with the king unto Jerusalem } I am this day four- 35
score years old : anci can I discern between good and evil ?
can thy servant taste what I eat or what I drink ? can I hear
any more the voice of singing men and singing women ?
wherefore then should thy servant be yet a burden unto my
lord the king ? Thy servant will go a little way over Jordan 36
with the king : and why should the king recompense // me
with such a reward ? Let thy servant, I pray thee, turn 37
back again, that I may die in mine own city, and be buried
by the grave of my father and of my mother. But behold
thy servant Chimham ; let him go over with my lord the king ;
and do to him what shall seem good unto thee. And the 3S
king answered, Chimham shall go over with me, and I will do
to him that which shall seem good unto thee : and whatso-
ever thou shalt require of me, that will I do for thee. And 39
all the people went over Jordan. And when the king was

32. provided .. .of sustem-mce\ An obsolete use of the preposition of
where we now employ zvith.

/ay] i.e. abode. Cp. Josh. ii. i, maro.

33. / zui/t feed thce\ I 'Will provide tliee -witli sustenance ; the
same word as in v. 32, and Gen. xlv. 11 (E. V. nourish).

35. fourscore years'] Cp. Ps. xc. 10.

singing men and singing women] Musicians were a part of royal
state (Eccl. ii. 8) ; banquets were commonly enlivened by music. See
Is. V. II, 12, xxiv. 8, 9 ; Am. vi. 4 — 6.

37. and be buried by the grave, &c.I The ancient affection for the
family sepulchre is very remarkable. See Jud. viii. 32 ; 1 Sam. ii.
32, xvii. 23, xxi. 14 ; i Kings xiii. 22.

Chimhatn] Barzillai's son, who Avith his brothers was specially
commended to Solomon's care (i Kings ii. 7). From the mention of
"the habitation of Chimham which is l3y Bethlehem" in Jcr. xli. 17, it
has been ingeniously inferred that Chimham received a grant of land
from David's patrimony at Bethlehem, which retained his name for at
least four centuries. See Stanley's Led. ii. 152.

39. all the people] David's followers, who are repeatedly termed
the people in this narrative.

l84 11. SAMUEL, XIX. [vv. 40—43.

come over, the king kissed Barzillai, and blessed him ; and

40 be returned unto his own place. Then the king went on to
Gilgal, and Chimham went on with him : and all the people
of Judah conducted the king, and also half the people of
Israel.

41 — 43. Dispute between the men of Judah and the men of
Israel.

41 And behold, all the men of Israel came to the king, and
said unto the king, Why have our brethren the men of Judah
stolen thee away, and have brought the king, and his house-

42 hold, and all David's men with him, over Jordan ? And all
the men of Judah answered the men of Israel, Because the
king is near of kin to us : wherefore then be ye angry for
this matter ? have we eaten at all of the king's cost ? or hath

43 he given us any gift ? And the men of Israel answered the

hissed Barzillai^ and blessed hini\ A farewell salute. Cp. Gen.
xxxi. 55.

41 — 43. Dispute between the men of Judah and the men of

Israel.

41. And behold, all the men of Israel] This must be read in con-
nexion with the preceding verse which introduces and explains it.
The northern tribes had been foremost in proposing the restoration
{vv. 9, 10), but owing no doubt to tribal jealousies, they had not been
invited by the men of Judah to the gathering at Gilgal to welcome the
king. Consequently only a fraction of them, probably those from the
immediate neighbourhood and the trans-Jordanic country, were there.
But while the king was still at Gilgal, the rest of the Israelite represen-
tatives arrived, and complained to David that they had been un-
warrantably forestalled by Judah, and cheated of the honour and
privilege of escorting him back. Cp. the instances of Ephraimite
jealousy in Jud. viii. i, xii. i.

stolen thee azvay] Brought thee home without our knowledge. They
justly censured the men of Judah for doing by themselves that which
should have been the united act of the whole nation, and possibly sus-
pected that David himself was not altogether blameless (vv. 11, 12).

42. to 2(s] Lit. to me: and so art thoii angry : and in v. 43 the
pronouns are singular throughout ; each party being as it were per-
sonified and regarded as a unit.

42. have we eaten at all of the king's cost, &c.] They defend them-
selves by alleging the purity of their motives. Some see in the words
a side-thrust at the Benjamites, who had enjoyed special privileges
during Saul's reign (i Sam. xxii. 7).

V. i.l II. SAMUEL, XX. i8s

men of Judah, and said, We have ten parts in the king, and
we have also more right m David than ye : why then did ye
despise us, that our advice should not be first had in bring-
ing back our king ? And the words of the men of Judah
were fiercer than the words of the men of Israel.

Ch. XX. Sheba's Rebellmu

I, 2. Fi'csh outbreak of rebellion^ headed by Shcba.

And there happened to be there a man of Belial, whose 20
name ivas Sheba, the son of Bichri, a Benjamite : and he
blew a trumpet, and said. We have no part in David, neither

43. ten /•arts'] The northern tribes claimed a share of the king in
proportion to their number. Ephraim and Manasseh are counted as
one in the reckoning of Israel as ten tribes. Cp. i Kings xi. 31,

35-

and we have also more right in David than ye] And even in David
we have more right than ye : lit. I. ..than thou. They claim a share
of the king, as king, in proportion to their number, and maintain this
to be their right even in the case of David, whom the men of Judah
might assert to belong specially to them as being their kinsman. But the
Sept. preserves (in addition to a rendering of the present Heb. text),
a different and very remarkable reading, which is perhaps the true one :
and I am the fii'stborn ?'ather than thoit. Reuben, the natural firstborn,
forfeited his birthright, and it was transferred to Joseph, the eldest son
of Jacob's second wife. In virtue of the birthright Joseph inherited a
double portion (Deut. xxi. 17) by Jacob's adoption of his two sons
Ephraim and Manasseh. See i Chron. v. i, 2 ; Gen. xlviii. 11 ; Josh,
xvi. 4. It was most natural for Ephraim, speaking on behalf of the
northern tribes, "the house of Joseph" (z/. 20), to assert such a claim at
the present crisis.

zvhy then, &c.] Better : why then hast thou despised me ? was not
my word the first for bringing toack my king? a reference to the
movement described in vv. 9, 10.

Ch. XX. Sheba's Rebellion.
1, 2. Fresh outbreak of rebellion, headed by Sheba.

1. there] At Gilgal. The dispute offered an immediate opening to
a bold and ambitious leader, who hoped to restore the sovereignty to
the tribe of Benjamin.

a man of Belial] A worthless or wicked man. Cp. i Sam. x. 27,
and note on i Sam. i. 16.

the son of Bichri] Rather, a Bichrite, or member of the clan tracing
its descent from Becher the second son of Benjamin (Gen. xlvi. 21).

part] Better, portion, a different word from that in ch. xix. 43, and
the same as that in i Kings xii. 16.

iS6 II. SAMUEL, XX. [vv. 2—6.

have we inheritance in the son of Jesse: every man to his tents,

2 O Israel. So every man of Israel went up from after David,
<7;/^ followed Sheba the son of Bichri : but the men of Judah
clave unto their king, from Jordan even to Jerusalem.

3. David'' s 7'eturn to Jerusalem.

3 And David came to his house at Jerusalem; and the king
took the ten women his concubines, whom he had left to
keep the house, and put them in ward, and fed them, but
went not in unto them. So they were shut up unto the day
of their death, living in widowhood.

4 — 13. The pursuit of Sheha. Avdasa murdered by Joah.

4 Then said the king to Amasa, Assemble me the men of

5 Judah within three days, and be thou here present. So
Amasa went to assemble the men of Judah : but he tarried
longer than the set time which he had appointed him.

6 And David said to Abishai, Now shall Sheba the son

the son of Jesse\ There is a touch of contempt in this name for
David. Cp. 1 Sam. xx. 27, 30, 31, xxii. 7, 8, 9, 13, xxv. 10.

eveiy man to his tents'] Nominally a call to disperse and return to
their homes (r Sam. xiii. 2; 2 Sam. xviii. 17); really an invitation to
join him in rebellion. The same words served as the signal for the
revolt from Rehoboam (i Kings xii. 16).

2. zuent iip\ From Gilgal in the valley of the Jordan to the hill
country of Ephraim.

3. David's return to Jerusalem.

3. living in widoxvhood] Either in widowhood for life, or as the
Targum explains it, in widowhood wliile their husband was still alive.

Since they had been appropriated by Absalom, they could no longer be
regarded as members of the royal harem, nor could they be set at liberty.

4—13. The pursuit of Sheba. Amasa murdered by Joab.

4. to Amasa] The commission was given to Amasa in fulfilment of
the promise privately made to him (ch. xix. 13).

Asse77Me vie the men of Judah\ Clearly then "the men of Judah"
in V. 1 were only a small body of representatives.

5. he tarried longer] Some may have resented the change of
generals and distrusted Amasa ; some may have been half-hearted about
David's restoration; so that he found that the task took longer than he
expected.

6. to Abishat] David now gave his orders to Abishai, being deter-
mined at any rate to supersede Joab. For the moment Joab seemed to

vv. 7—10.] II. SAMUEL, XX. 187

of Bichri do us more harm than did Absalom : take thou
thy lord's servants, and pursue after him, lest he get him
fenced cities, and escape us. And there went out after 7
him Joab's men, and the Cherethites, and the Pelethites,
and all the mighty men : and they went out of Jerusalem, to
pursue after Sheba, the son of Bichri. When they were at s
the great stone which is in Gibeon, Amasa went before them.
And Joab's garment that he had put on was girded unto him,
and upon it a girdle with a sword fastened upon his loins in
the sheath thereof; and as he went forth it fell out. And 9
Joab said to Amasa, Ai't thou in health, my brother? And
Joab took Amasa by the beard with the right hand to kiss
him. But Amasa took no heed to the sword that 7i'as in ic
Joab's hand : so he smote him therewith in the lifth rib,

acquiesce, and marched out under his brother's command {v. 7), in-
tending to wait his opportunity. This speedily presented itself: without
scruple he murdered his rival, and then by Abishai's consent, resumed
his old position as commandei--in-chief [vv. 10, 11).

thy lord's servants] The bodies of troops mentioned in v. 7, which
formed a small standing army.

escaj^e its'] A phrase of doubtful meaning, found nowhere else. Either
as E.V. following the Vulg, escape 7is: or pluck out our eye = do us
serious injury: or as the Sept. overshadow our rj'^-i-^ cause us anxiety.

7. the Cherethites, and the Pelcthitef\ See note on ch. viii. 18.
the mighty inen'\ Or Gibborim. See note on ch. xv. 18.

8. the great stone which is in Gibcoji\ Some isolated rock, well known
as a landmark.

went before theni] Lit, catne before thejn, i.e. met them, apparently as
he was returning to Jerusalem, after raising an army in Benjamin as
well as in Judah.

A72d Joid)'s garment, (Src] This description of Joab's dress is intended
to explain how he contrived to stab Amasa without his design being
suspected. In the girdle which he wore over his military dress was
stuck a dagger. As he met Amasa he contrived to let this fall out of
its sheath on the ground. He picked it up in his left hand, and the
movement being apparently purely accidental, excited no alarm in
Amasa's mind.

as he went forth it fll ont] As he went out to meet Amasa. But it
does not appear whence Joab went out, and the words may also be
rendered, and it (the sheath) came out (from the girdle), and it (the
sword) fell do7vn. The Sept. has a simpler reading, involving a slight
change in the Heb. text: aiid the sword cajjie oict and fell down,

9. took Amasa by the beard] It is said to be still customary among
the Arabs and Turks to lay hold of a person's beard in giving him the
kiss of welcome.

10. in the fifth rib'\ In tlie belly. See note on ch. ii. 23.

l88 II. SAMUEL, XX. [vv. ii— 14.

and shed out his bowels to the ground, and strake him not
- again ; and he died. So Joab and Abishai his brother

11 pursued after Sheba the son of Bichri. And one of Joab's
men stood by him, and said, He that favoureth Joab, and he

12 that is for David, let him go after Joab. And Amasa wallowed
in blood in the midst of the highway. And when the man
saw that all the people stood still, he removed Amasa out of
the highway i7iio the field, and cast a cloth upon him, when

13 he saw that every one that came by him stood still. When
he was removed out of the highway, all the people went on
after Joab, to pursue after Sheba the son of Bichri.

14 — 22. Sheba besieged in Abel-Beth- Afaachah.

14 And he went through all the tribes of Israel unto Abel,
and to Beth-maachah, and all the Berites : and they were

stroke him not agahiX Cp. i Sam. xxvi. 8. Strake is an archaism
for struck. Cp. ch. xii. 15; Acts xxvii. 17.

So Joabl Better, But Joab, &c. Covered with the stains of murder
(i Kings ii. 5), Joab started in pursuit of Sheba, leaving his victim where
he fell.

11. one of Joab's men] One of Joab's young men, perhaps one of
his armour-bearers (ch. xviii. 15), remained by the corpse at Joab's com-
mand in order to invite Amasa's followers to join Joab. Time was too
precious for Joab himself to lose a moment.

//^ that favoureth Joab, &c.] Lit. He that delighteth (ch. xv. 26) in
Joab. He appeals to their personal attachment to himself as general,
and to their loyalty to David ; insinuating that Amasa was not faithful
to the king, and had met his death justly for his treachery. Joab's real
motive in murdering Amasa, as before in the case of Abner, was
jealousy.

12. all the people] Here and in v. 13, the troops which Amasa had
been mustering.

14 — 22. Sheba besieged in Abel-Beth-Maachah.

14. And he went] Joab marched rapidly northward, gathering
forces as he went.

unto Abel, and to Beth-maachali] Abel was apparently near Beth-
Maachah, which is not elsewhere mentioned as a distinct place, and was
commonly called Abel-beth-Maachah to distinguish it from other places
named Abel { = meadozv). It was also known as Abel Maim =: meadow
of watei's (2 Chr. xvi. 4). It was one of the towns which fell a prey to
Benhadad (r Kings xv. 20), and afterwards to Tiglath-pileser (2 Kings
XV. 29). The name Maachah may point to some connexion with the
Syrian kingdom of that name (ch. x. 6). Its site is supposed to be

vv. 15—18.] II. SAMUEL, XX. 189

gathered together, and went also after him. And they came is
and besieged him in Abel of Beth-maachah, and they cast
up a bank against the city, and it stood in the trench : and
all the people that were with Joab battered the wall, to
throw // down. Then cried a wise woman out of the city, 16
Hear, hear; say, I pray you, unto Joab, Come near hither,
that I may speak with thee. And when he was come near 17
unto her, the woman said. Art thou Joab? And he an-
swered, I am he. Then she said unto him. Hear the words
of thine handmaid. And he answered, I do hear. Then 18
she spake, saying, They were wont to speak in old time,
saying, They shall surely ask counsel at Abel : and so they

marked by the village of Ab'il^ about twelve miles north of Lake Huleh,
the ancient Waters of Merom.

all the Berites] If the text is sound, Berim or the Berites must be
the name of a district or people in northern Palestine otherwise unknown
to us. But perhaps following the Vulg. and the indications of the Sept.
we should read and all the chosen 7)ien were gathered together.

15. cast tip a ban/S] The besiegers erected a mound of earth against
the city wall to enable them to batter the upper and weaker part of it.
This stood in "the trench" or outwork of the city : a term which in-
cludes the low outer wall and the space between it and the main wall.
For mention of siege mounds see 2 Kings xix. 32 ; Is. xxix. 3 ; Jer. vi. 6 ;
xxxii. 24, xxxiii. 4; Ez. iv. 2, xvii. 17, xxi. 22, xxvi. 8; ban. xi. 15.
They are represented on the bas-reliefs depicting the siege of Lachish
which were found at Kouyunjik. Layard's Momimeiits of Nineveh^
Vol. II. PI. 18, 21.

16. a wise zuoman'] Cp. ch. xiv. 2.

ozit of the city] The Sept. reads " from the wall."

18. They shall snrely ask counsel at Abel] Let them by all means
inquire of Abel. The phrase is that commonly used for inquiring of
God. Cp. ch. xvi. 23. The city had been proverbial for its wisdom
from ancient times ; men consulted it as an oracle for the settlement of
their disputes ; a city of such reputation, loyal moreover and peaceable,
ought not, she implies, to be thus attacked. Possibly she means further
to hint, that if Joab had consulted the inhabitants, as men were wont to
do in olden times, and had negotiated for the surrender of Sheba, the
siege might have been avoided. This rendering is certainly preferable
to that in the margin : 77iey plainly spake in the beginning, sayings
Surely they will ask of Abel, and so make an aid : which means that at
the beginning of the siege the inhabitants expected Joab to communicate
with the city and offer terms, in accordance with the law which pre-
scribed that a city should be summoned to surrender before it was be-
sieged (Deut. XX. 10 ff.). An ancient Jewish interpretation however
explains the passage to refer to that law, for the Targum renders :
•' Remember now that which is written in the book of the law, to ask

190 II. SAMUEL, XX. [vv. 19—22.

19 ended the matter. I am one of them that a^-e peaceable and
faithful in Israel : thou seekest to destroy a city and a
mother in Israel : why wilt thou swallow up the inheritance

20 of the Lord ? And Joab answered and said, Far be it, far

21 be it from me, that I should swallow up or destroy. The
matter is not so : but a man of mount Ephraim, Sheba
the son of Bichri by name, hath lift up his hand against
the king, even against David : deliver him only, and I will
depart from the city. And the woman said unto Joab,
Behold, his head shall be thrown to thee over the wall.

22 Then the woman went unto all the people in her wisdom.
And they cut off the head of Sheba the son of Bichri, and
cast // out to Joab. And he blew a trumpet, and they
retired from the city, every man to his tent. And Joab
returned to Jerusalem unto the king.

a city concerning peace at the first. Hast thou so done, to ask of Abel
if they will make peace ? " The Sept. renderinj^ maybe noted as curious,
but is probably derived from a corrupt text and not to be adopted. "It
was asked \conj. let them ask] in Abel and in Dan whether the customs
have failed which the faithful of Israel ordained."

19. /am one of them that are peaceable ^.x^di faithful in Israel] I am
peaceable and faithful in Israel. The woman speaks in the name of
the city, asserting its peaceableness and lo3'alty. By an irregularity of
construction, hardly reproducible in English, the predicate is in the
plural, referring to the inhabitants. Lit. I am peaceable faithful ones of
Israel.

to destroy a city and a mother'\ Lit. to slay : the personification of
the city is kept up. On " mother" as applied to a city {jnetropolis) see
note on ch. viii. i.

the inheritance of the Lord] Cp. ch. x. 12, xiv. 16; i Sam.
xxvi. 19.

21. a man of mount Ephraim"] The name ''mount Ephraim,"
applied to the central mountainous district of Palestine, was extended
southwards so as to include part of the territory of Benjamin. See
note on i Sam. i. i.

22. in tier wisdom] The "Preacher" illustrates the truth that
" wisdom is better than strength" by a parable strikingly similar to this
incident, and possibly suggested by it (Eccl. ix. 13 — 16).

tJiey retired] They were dispersed to their several homes.

23 — 26. The officers of David's court.

A similar h'st has aheady been given in ch. viii. 16 — 18. There the
account of the general administration of the kingdom appropriately
follows the summary record of the wars by which that kingdom was
established ; and the repetition of it here, after David's restoration to

vv. 23— 26; I.] II. SAMUEL, XX. XXI. 191

23 — 26. The officers of David's court.

Now Joab was over all the host of Israel : and Benaiah 23
the son of Jehoiada was over the Cherethites and over the
Pelethites : and Adoram was over the tribute : and Jeho- 24
shaphat the son of Ahilud was recorder : and Sheva was 25
scribe : and Zadok and Abiathar we7'e the priests : and Ira 26
also the Jairite was a chief ruler about David.

Ch. XXI. I — II. A Three Years Famine for SaitV s massacre
of the Gibeonites. The execution of Said's sons.

Then there was a famine in the days of David three years, 21

the throne, is equally appropriate. Some differences between the lists
are explained by their belonging to different periods.

23. JoaU\ Retaining his post in spite of David's resolution to
depose him,

the Cherethites] So the Qrt and the Sept. and Vulg, : but the
KtJiihh has the Can, a word found in 2 Kings xi. 4, 19 (E. V. wrongly
captains), and like Cherethites variously explained to mean executioners^
the body-guard acting in that capacity, or Caj-ians, foreign mercenaries
employed as a body-guard.

24. Adoratn] Perhaps the same as Adoniram (i Kings iv. 6, v. 14),
who held the office in Solomon's reign, and Adoram, who held it at the
beginning of Rehoboam's reign (i Kings xii. iS), but possibly three
persons of the same family, who succeeded one another in the office,
are meant. The Sept. reads Adoniram here.

over the tribute] Better over the levy (i Kings iv. 6 marg., v, 14);
superintendent of the forced levies employed in public works. Adoram
was stoned to death by the people in the rebellion at the beginning of
Rehoboam's reign, as the representative of the hated system of forced
labour which had oppressed the people beyond all endurance in Solo-
mon's reign (i Kings xii. 4). The appearance of this new officer in the
closing years of David's reign is most significant of the vast change
which had taken place in the character of his rule.

25. Shcva] Or Sheya, apparently another name for the Seraiah of
ch. viii. 17.

26. a chief ruler about David] Minister to David. The post
formerly held by David's sons. See on ch. viii. iS.

Chap. XXI. 1 — 11. A Three Years Famine for Saul's massacre
OF THE Gibeonites. The Execution of Saul's sons.

1. The7t there %vas a famine] Render, And there was a famine.
There is no adverb of time marking chronological connexion with the
foregoing narrative. In Palestine a famine v^'as the almost certain con-
sequence of a failure of the winter rains, on which both cornfields and
pasturage depend. See i Kings xviii. 2; Joel i. 8 — 20; for famine as

192 II. SAMUEL, XXI. [w. 2, 3.

year after year; and David inquired of the Lord. And
the Lord answered, // is for Saul, and for his bloody house,

2 because he slew the Gibeonites. And the king called the
Gibeonites, and said unto them ; (now the Gibeonites were
not of the children of Israel, but of the remnant of the
Amorites ; and the children of Israel had sworn unto them :
and Saul sought to slay them in his zeal to the children of

3 Israel and Judah.) Wherefore David said unto the Gibeon-
ites, What shall I do for you ? and wherewith shall I make

the result of drought; and cp. Gen. xii. 10, xxvi. i, xlii. 5; Ruth i. i;
2 Kings viii. i, 2.

in the days of David\ This famine must have occurred after David
became acquainted with Mephibosheth (ch. ix. i ff.), for it is expressly
stated that he spared Mephibosheth {v. 7) ; and in all probability before
Absalom's rebellion, in the account of which we may trace one, if not
two allusions to the execution of Saul's sons (ch. xvi. 7, 8, xix. 28) ; but its
date cannot be fixed more exactly, and the phrase iji the days of David
seems designedly indefinite.

For a discussion of some questions connected with the famine and
the surrender of Saul's sons for execution see Additional Note 11.,
p. 234.

inquired of the Lord] Sought the face of Jehovah: a phrase not
found elsewhere in Samuel, and perhaps indicating that this chapter
was taken by the compiler from a different source. Cp. Ps. xxiv. 6,
xxvii. 8. David sought to ascertain the cause of this judgment; for
famine was one of the "four sore judgments" of God (Ezek. xiv. 21 j
cp. I Kings viii. 35—37).

his bloody house] His blood-guilty house : upon which rested the
guilt of shedding innocent blood. Cp. Ps. v. 6 ; Ezek. xxii, 2. Un-
expiated murder "defiled the land," and involved the nation in punish-
ment. See Num. xxxv. 33, 34; Deut. xxi. 7 — 9. The Sept. text differs
slightly, reading: " Upon Saul and upon his house is blood-guiltiness."

the Gibeonites] On Gibeon see note on ch. ii. 12.

2. the Ajuorifes] Amorites ( = highlanders) is here and elsewhere
used as a general designation for the ancient inhabitants of Palestine,
particularly those who occupied the mountainous country. See note on
I Sam. vii. 14. The Gibeonites belonged to the tribe of the Hivites.

had sworn nnto the7?i] See Josh. ix. 3 ff. The oath though obtained
by fraud was acknowledged to be binding (Josh. ix. 19, 20), and its
violation was a breach of the third commandment (Ex. xx. 7).

in his zeal] Probably in a fit of zeal to carry out the Law by cleansing
the land from the remnant of the heathen (Ex. xxxiv. ii — 16; Deut.
vii. 2) as he cleansed it from the soothsayers (i Sam. xxviii. 3).
There is no allusion to the deed elsewhere.

wherezaith shall I make the atonement] The cognate substantive —
also rendered satisfaction (Num. xxxv. 31) and ransom (Ex. xxx. 12) —

vv. 4—7.] n. SAMUEL, XXI. 193

the atonement, that ye may bless the inheritance of the
Lord ? And the Gibeonites said unto him, We will have 4
no silver nor gold of Saul, nor of his house ; neither for us
shalt thou kill any man in Israel. And he said, What you
shall say, that will I do for you. And they answered the s
king, The man that consumed us, and that devised against
us that we should be destroyed from remaining in any of
the coasts of Israel, let seven men of his sons be delivered 6
unto us, and we will hang them up unto the Lord in Gibeah
of Saul, whom the Lord did choose. And the king said, I
will give thefn. But the king spared Mephibosheth, the son 7
of Jonathan the son of Saul, because of the Lord's oath

means literally a covering. The "atonement" is a covering, which
hides the ofifence from the eyes of the offended party, and withdraws
the guilt from the gaze of an avenging God.

4. no silver nor goldl No money compensation could expiate Saul's
offence. JMoney-compensation for murder is allowed by the laws of
most nations in a primitive stage, e.g. of the ancient Germans (Tac.
Ger;n. 21); the Anglo-Saxons; and the Arabs of the present day. It
was expressly forbidden by the Mosaic Law (Num. xxxv. 31, 32),
because a mere money fine is insufficient to enforce strict regard for life,
and such a custom may easily be abused by the rich. See Mozley's
Lectures on the Old Testament, p. 207 ff.

neither for us shalt thou kill any 77ian in Israel'\ Our cry for ven-
geance is against the house of Saul, and not against the nation at large.

5. devised'^ This, and not the marginal alternative cut us off, is the
right rendering.

ill any of the coasts] In aU the iDorders. Coast, from costa, a rib or
side, originally meant any border or frontier-line, not the sea-line only;
and then, like the hsLt. ffies, the territory enclosed by the border.

6. seven men] A sacred number, for their execution was to be a
solemn religious act of expiation.

we will hang them tip] They were to be impaled or crucified, as a
public exhibition of the punishment inflicted. In all probability they
were put to death first. The practice corresponds to that of hanging a
criminal's body in chains on the scene of his crime, which was once
common in England.

unto the Lord] For the punishment was demanded by divine justice.
Cp. Num. XXV. 4.

in Gibeah] The home of Saul was to be the scene of the punish-
ment.

whom the Lord did choose] The exact title, the chosen of Jehovah,
is nowhere else given to Saul, but is implied by i Sam. x. 24. That it
should be thus used by his enemies is strange. Was it from a feeling
that the fact of his divine election aggravated his guilt?

7. the Lord's oath] See i Sam. xviii. 3, xx. 12 — 17, 42, xxiii. i8.

194 n. SAMUEL, XXI. [vv. 8—10.

. that was between them, between David and Jonathan the

8 son of Saul. But the king took the two sons of Rizpah the
daughter of Aiah, whom she bare unto Saul, Armoni and
Mephibosheth ; and the five sons of Michal the daughter of
Saul, whom she brought up for Adriel the son of Barzillai

9 the Meholathite : and he delivered them into the hands of
the Gibeonites, and they hanged them in the hill before the
Lord : and they fell all seven together, and were put to
death in the days of harvest, in the first days, in the begin-

10 ning of barley harvest. And Rizpah the daughter of Aiah
took sackcloth, and spread it for her upon the rock' from
the beginning of harvest until water dropped upon them out
of heaven, and suffered neither the birds of the air to rest
on them by day, nor the beasts of the field by night.

8. the five sons of Michal.. svhom she brought up for Adriel] The
Heb. text can only mean "whom she bare to Adriel. But it was Merab,
not Michal, who was married to Adriel (i Sam. xviii. 19). Conse-
quently we must either read Merab for Michal, or take the explanation
given in the Targum and adopted by the E.V. : "the five sons of Merab,
(whom Michal the daughter of Saul brought up), whom she bare to
Adriel."

the Meholathite] Of Abel-Meholah, a town in the Jordan valley near
Beth-shan, famous as the birth-place of Elisha (i Kings xix. 16).

9. in the first days] Barley harvest preceded wheat harvest, and
began about the middle or end of April. Cp. Ex. ix. 31, 32; Ruth i.
22, ii. 23.

10. spread it] As a rough tent to shelter her while she watched the
corpses. The usage of the word is decisive against understanding it to
mean spread it under her for a bed, as is done by the Vulg. and most
commentators.

dropped iipo7t them] Was poured upon tliem (cp. Ex. ix. 33) : that is,
until heavy rains shewed that the crime was expiated and the judgment of
drought withdrawn. The bodies were left hanging, instead of being
taken down on the day of execution (Deut. xxi. 23), until assurance was
given that the satisfaction had been accepted. If the rain did not fall
until the usual season, Rizpah must have kept her devoted watch for six
months, from April to October.

neither the birds... nor the beasts] To become the prey of bird and
beast — the certain fate of an unburied corpse — was the depth of ignominy.
Cp. I Sam. xvii. 44, 46. "If an animal falls at night," writes an Eastern
traveller, "it is not attacked till daylight, unless iDy the jackals and
hytenas ; but if it be slaughtered after sunrise, though the human eye
may scan the firmament for a vulture in vain, within five minutes a speck
will appear overhead, and wheeling and circling in a rapid downward
flight, a huge griffon will pounce on the carcase. In a few minutes a

vv. II— 14.] 11. SAMUEL, XXI. 195

II — 14. Burial of the bones of Saul and his sons.

And it was told David what Rizpah the daughter of Aiah,
the concubine of Saul, had done. And David went and
took the bones of Saul and the bones of Jonathan his son
from the men of Jabesh-gilead, which had stolen them from
the street of Beth-shan, where the PhiHstines had hanged
them, when the Philistines had slain Saul in Gilboa : and he
brought up from thence the bones of Saul and the bones of
Jonathan his son ; and they gathered the bones of them that
were hanged. And the bones of Saul and Jonathan his son
buried they in the country of Benjamin in Zelah, in the
sepulchre of Kish his father : and they performed all that
the king commanded. And after that God was in treated for
the land.

second and third will dart down ; another and another follows — griffons,
Egyptian vultures, eagles, kites, buzzards and ravens, till the air is
darkened by the crowd. ' Wheresoever the carcase is, there will the
eagles be gathered together.' " Tristram's Nat Hist, of the Bible, p. 169.

11—14. Burial of the bones of Saul and his sons.

11. The curious addition of the Sept. to this verse, "and they were
unfastened, and Dan the son of Joash, who was of the descendants of
the giant, took them down," is almost certainly a corrupt rendering of
vv. 15, 16, placed here by mistake.

12. David went] Touched by Rizpah's maternal devotion, and
wishing to shew that he had no personal enmity to the house of Saul.

the men of fabesh-gilead] The citizens, lit. lords or possessors of
Jabesh-Gilead; a term peculiar to the books of Joshua, Judges, and
Samuel (Josh. xxiv. 11 ; Jud. ix. 2 ff., xx. 5; i Sam. xxiii. 11, 12). For
their bold rescue of the bodies see i Sam. xxxi. 11 — 13. Cp. 2 Sam.
ii. 4.

the street] The bodies were hung on the wall (i Sam. xxxi. 10) in
the square or open place just inside the gate, the public meeting-place
of all the citizens. Cp. 2 Chr. xxxii. 6; Neh. viii. i, 3, 16.

Beth-shan] Now Beis&Uy four miles west of the Jordan in the Wady
jfdlM. See note on i Sam. xxxi. 10.

14. Jojiathan his son] The Sept. adds, "and the bones of them
that were hanged."

Zelah] Enumerated among the towns of Benjamin in Josh, xviii. 28,
but not yet identified. Beit Jala near Bethlehem, which has been sug-
gested, is not in the tribe of Benjamin.

God was intreated] Accepted the intreaty or intercession thus made
on behalf of the land. Cp. ch. xxiv. 25; Gen. xxv. 21 ; 2 Chr. xxxiii.
13-

13—2

195 11. SAMUEL, XXI. [vv. 15—17.

15 — 22. Heroic exploits in the Philistine wars.

15 Moreover the Philistines had yet war again with Israel ;
and David went down, and his servants with him, and fought

16 against the Philistines : and David waxed faint. And Ishbi-
benob, which was of the sons of the giant, the weight of
whose spear weighed three hundred shekels of brass in weight,
he being girded with a new sword, thought to have slain

17 David. But Abishai the son of Zeruiah succoured him, and
smote the Philistine, and killed him. Then the men of
David sware unto him, saying, Thou shalt^go no more out

15—22. Heroic exploits in the Philistine wars.

This section is quite unconnected with the preceding narrative. It
is perhaps a fragment from some " book of golden deeds " recording
the exploits of David and his warriors. From such a chronicle may
also be derived ch. xxiii. 8 — 39, possibly ch. v. 17 — 25, and some other
sections of the book.

vv. 18 — 22 are also preserved in Chronicles, where they are placed
immediately after the capture of Rabbah ( i Chr. xx. 4 — 8).

15. had yet war again] "Again" refers to earlier wars, the ac-
count of which preceded this narrative in the document from which it
was taken.

went dowti] From the high lands of Judah to the low country of
Philistia — the Shephelah or maritime plain.

16. Ishbi-benob] Perhaps=" dweller on a height," a name given
him because he lived in some inaccessible castle. But there are good
reasons for suspecting that there is some corruption in the text, and that
the giant's real name has been lost.

of the sons of the giant] The word for S07ts is one specially used of
the progeny of the giant races of Canaan (Num. xiii. 22, 28; Josh.
XV. 14). Rdphdh, or with the article ha-Rdphdh, translated "the
giant," may be a quasi proper-name for the father of the four giants
here mentioned, or, more probably, for the founder of the tribe of
Rephaim. The Vulg. has Arapha, and hence comes Harapha, the
name of the giant introduced in Milton's Samson Agonistes.

three htmdred shekels] About nine pounds : half the weight of Go-
liath's spear head.

brass] See note on ch. viii. 8.

with a new sword] There is no substantive expressed in the He-
brew: the Vulg. supplies sword: others stcit of artnotir : the Sept. reads
a mace instead of the word new, and this suggests the probability that
the original reading was some rare word, denoting a specially formida-
ble kind of weapon.

17. and smote] Perhaps, and lie (David) smote j as v. 22 seems to
imply that one of them fell by David's own hand.

vv. i8, 19-] 11. SAMUEL, XXI. 197

with us to battle, that thou quench not the hght of Israel.
And it came to pass after this, that there was again a battle 18
with the Philistines at Gob : then Sibbechai the Hushathite
slew Saph, which was of the sons of the giant. And there .9
was again a battle in Gob with the Philistines, where
Elhanan the son of Jaare-oregim, a Beth-lehemite, slew the

that thou qicench not the light of Israel] Extinguishing tlie lamp is
a natural metaphor for changing the light of prosperity into the dark-
ness of calamity ; and in particular David's sovereignty was the lamp
which God's favour had lighted for the well-being of His people. An
Arab in misfortune says, "Fate has put out my lamp." Cp. Job xviii.
6 ; Prov. xiii. 9. The expression light of Israel seems to indicate that
David was already king of all Israel, and if so, the incident may have
happened in one of the wars recorded in ch. v. 17 — 25.

18. at Gob] A place mentioned only here and in v. 19. The
Sept. reads Gath^ the parallel passage in Chron. Gezer; and we must
suppose that Gob is either a corruption of the text, or some otherwise
unknown place perhaps in the neighbourhood of Gezer, for which see
note on ch. v. 25.

Sibbechai the Hushathite] One of David's heroes (i Chr. xi. 29),
general of the eighth division of the army (i Chr. xxvii. 11). See note
on ch. xxiii. 27.

Saph] Written Sippai in Chron., where it is added that the Philis-
tines were subdued.

19. in Gob] The Sept. reads Rom (B) or Gob (A), and Chron.
omits the name of the place altogether.

where Elhanan, &c.] Lit. and Elhanan the son of Jaare-oregim,
the Bethlehemite, slew Goliath the Gittite. The words the brother of
are conjecturally inserted in the E. V. from i Chron. They are not
found here in the Hebrew text, or in any of the ancient versions. The
parallel passage in i Chr. xx. 5 reads atid Elhanan the son of Jair sle%t)
LaJwii the brother of Goliath the Gittite. Now (i) the reading Jair is
certainly preferable to J aare-oregiin. Oregim, the word for weavers in
the line below, was inserted by a careless scribe, and the Hebrew letters
of Jair {T'j;"') transposed so as to read Jaare (ny). (2) The letters
of the words Beih-lehemite, Goliath, which stand together in the Heb.
text, so closely resemble those of lahmi the brother of Goliath, that it is
almost certain that one reading is an accidental corruption of the other.
But which is the original it is not easy to decide. There is no difficulty
in supposing that another giant, beside the one slain by David, bore
the name of Goliath. Another Elhanan of Beth-lehem is mentioned in
ch. xxiii. 24.

There is a curious Jewish tradition, preserved in the Targum and by
Jerome {Quaest. Hebr. in libros Regum), identifying Elhanan with
David. The Targum here paraphrases thus: "And David, the son of
Jesse the weaver of veils for the sanctuary, who was of Beth-lehem,

198 II. SAMUEL, XXI. [vv. 20—22.

brother of Goliath the Gittite, the staff of whose spear was
;Hke a weaver's beam. And there was yet a battle in
Gath, where was a man of great stature, that had on every
hand six fingers, and on every foot six toes, four and twenty
ifi number ; and he also was born to the giant. And when
he defied Israel, Jonathan the son of Shimea the brother
I of David slew him. These four were born to the giant in
Gath, and fell by the hand of David, and by the hand of his
servants.

slew Goliath the Gittite." But there is no evidence whatever in sup-
port of this idea.

the staff of whose spear, &c.] Cp. i Sam. xvii. 7; i Chr. xi. 2 3.
The shaft of his spear, short, but extraordinarily stout and heavy, was
popularly compared to the ' ' beam " to which the web is fastened in
a loom.

20. six fingers... six toes] Pliny mentions such a peculiarity {Hist.
Nat. xi. 43), and it is not unknown in modern times.

21. defied Israel] Cp. i Sam. xvii. 10, 25, 26.

yonathan] David's nephew, brother of the astute Jonadab (ch.
xiii. 3).

22. were born to the giant] Were descendants of Kapha, or, the
giant : not necessarily all four sons of one man. See note on v. 16.

Ch. XXII. David's thanksgiving for deliverance from his

ENEMIES.

This magnificent hymn is substantially identical with Psalm xviii.
The chief variations are pointed out in the notes, and some general
remarks on the difference of the two texts will be found in Additional
Note III., p. 235.

It was written, as the title indicates, when David's triumphs over
his enemies at home and abroad were still recent. Its composition
may with much probability be assigned to the period of peace de-
scribed in ch. vii. i ; but must be placed after Nathan's visit, as v.
51 seems clearly to refer to the great promise made through him.
The free and joyous tone of the Psalm, and its bold expressions of con-
scious integrity, also point to the earlier years of David's reign rather
than the later, overclouded as these were by the fatal consequences of
his sin.

This chapter is the Haphtarah or lesson from the prophets appointed
to be read in the Synagogue on the Sabbath in conjunction with Deut.
xxxii. according to the ritual of the Sephardiin or Spanish Jews, and
also on the seventh day of the Passover.

1. The title.

1. Compare the inscriptions which introduce Moses' songs in the
historical narrative (Ex. xv. i; Deut. xxxi. 30). This inscription seems

vv. 1—3.] 11. SAMUEL, XXII. 199

Ch. XXI I. David's thanksgiving for deliverance fi'oin his
eneinies.

I. TJie title.

And David spake unto the Lord the words of this song 22
in the day that the Lord had deUvered him out of the
hand of all his enemies, and out of the hand of Saul : and 2
he said,

2 — -4. Introductory invocatiofi of Jehovah.

The Lord is my rock, and my fortress, and my deliverer;
The God of my rock ; in him will I trust : 3

He is my shield, and the horn of my salvation, my high
tower, and my refuge,

to have been taken by the compiler of Samuel and the compiler of the
Psalter from a common source — probably one of the prophetic histories
of David's reign — in which this Psalm M'as incorporated.

in the day that] i. e. at the tz?fie when.

out of the ha)id of Saul] Specially mentioned because Saul was the
bitterest and most implacable of his enemies, and because the deliver-
ance from his power raised David to the throne of Israel.

2—4. Introductory invocation of Jehovah.
2. The Lord is my roc1i\ The opening address to God, found in
Ps. xviii., ** Fervently do I love thee O Jehovah my strength," is want-
ing here.

2, 3. The imagery, by which David describes so emphatically all
that Jehovah had been to him as a Deliverer from his enemies, is de-
rived from the experiences of his warlike life, and particularly of his
flight from Saul. The cliff (i Sam. xxiii. 25, 28) where he had escaped
from Saul, the strong-liold in the wilderness of Judah or the fastnesses
of Engedi (i Sam. xxiii. 14, 19, 29), "the rocks of the wild goats"
(r Sam. xxiv. 2), were all emblems of Him who had been throughout
iiis true Refuge and Deliverer.

3. The God of my rock] — my strong God : but it is better to alter
the vowel points and read as in the Ps., "my God, my Rock." The
title Rock is frequently used to describe the strength, faithfulness, and
unchangeableness of God. See Deut. xxxii. 4, 37; i Sam. ii. 2; Ps.
xxviii. I, &c.

in him tvill I trusti Better, in whom I take refuge : carrying on
the metaphor of a hiding-place in the rocks. Quoted in Heb. ii. 13;
cp. Ps. xciv. 22.

my shield] Compare God's promise to Abram (Gen. xv. i); and
Deut. xxxiii. 29.

ilie horn of my salvation] The Power which saves and delivers me.

200 II. SAMUEL, XXII. [vv. 4—7.

My saviour; thou savest me from violence. ^

4' I will call on the Lord, who is worthy to be praised :
So shall I be saved from mine enemies.

5 — 7. The Psalmisfs perils. His cry for help.

5 When the waves of death compassed me,
The floods of ungodly men made me afraid ;

6 The sorrows of hell compassed me about ;
The snares of death prevented me :

7 In my distress I called upon the Lord,
And cried to my God :

And he did hear my voice out of his temple,
And my cry did enter into his ears.

The figure of the horn, as a symbol of victorious strength, is derived
from horned animals. Cp. Deut. xxxiii. 17; Lk. i. 69.

and my refuge, &c.] The words, "and my retreat, my saviour,
thou savest me from violence," are omitted in Ps. xviii.

4. / will call... so shall I be saved'\ Better, I called... and I -was
saved. The tenses are frequentative, describing David's habitual
experience of God's readiness to answer prayer. This verse presents
" the theme of the Psalm."

5—7. The Psalmist's perils. His cry for help.

5, 6. For breakers of death had compassed me,

torrents of destruction were affrighting me,
cords of Sheol had surrounded me,
snares of death had encountered me.

The perils to which he had been exposed are described as waves and
floods which threatened to engulf him: Sheol and death are represented
as laying wait for his life like hunters with nets and snares.

5. waves'] Ps. xviii. 4 reads cords as in z*. 6; E.V. sorrows,
ungodly meti] Heb. Belial. See note on i Sam. i. 16. The parallelism

points to the meaning destruction, physical mischief, instead of the
ordinary meaning wickedness, moral mischief.

6. the sorrows of hell] The word may no doubt mean pangs, as it
is translated in the Sept. (co5t>es, cp. Acts ii. 24) ; but is better explained
of the cords or nets of the hunter. Hell is Shedl (Gr. Hades), the
mysterious unseen world, ready to seize and swallow up its victim. See
note on i Sam. ii. 6.

7. called... cried] This rendering represents a difference of words
found in the Heb. of Ps. xviii. 6, but not here. It is however supported
by the Sept. and is probably the true reading.

out of his temple] The palace temple of heaven, where He sits enthroned.
Cp. Ps. xi. 4.

and my cry did enter into his ears] In place of the terse expression

V. 8.] II. SAMUEL, XXir. 201

8 — 1 6. The manifestation of Jehovah for the discomfiture
of Davids s enemies.

Then the earth shook and trembled ; t

The foundations of heaven moved
And shook, because he was wroth.

my cry was in his earSy Ps. xviii. 6 reads " my cry before him came into
his ears."

8 — 16. The manifestation of Jehovah for the discomfiture
OF David's enemies.

Earthquake and storm are regarded as the visible manifestations of
Divine Power : and therefore God's interposition for the deliverance of
His servant from the perils that surrounded him is described as ac-
companied by terrible phenomena in nature. We have here an ideal
description of a Theophany, based on the description of the Theophany
at Sinai. See Ex, xix. 16 — 18; and cp. Ps. Ixviii. 8, Ixxvii. 16 — 18;
Jud. V. 4, 5. It is not indeed impossible that David refers to some
occasion when his enemies were scattered by the breaking of a terrible
storm (cp. Josh. x. 11 ; i Sam. vii. 10) : but we have no record of such
an event having actually happened in his life; and in any case the
picture is designed to serve as a description of God's intervention for
his deliverance in general, and not upon any single occasion. His
power was exerted as really and truly as if all these extraordinary
natural phenomena had visibly attested His Advent.

The earthquake {v. 8); the distant lightnings [v. 9); the gathering
darkness of the storm [vv. 10 — 12); the final outburst of its fury
{vv. 13 — 16); are pictured in regular succession.

Ps. xxix. may be compared as illustrating David's sense of the grandeur
and significance of natural phenomena.

8. shook and trembled] The paronomasia of the original may be
preserved by translating, and the earth did shake and quake.

the fotcndations of heaven] The mountains on which the vault of
heaven seems to rest: cp. "the pillars of heaven" (Job xxvi. 11): or
perhaps the universe is regarded as a vast building, without any precise
application of the details of the metaphor. See note on i Sam. ii. 8.
For heaven Ps. xviii. 7 reads "the mountains."

9. Smoke arose in his nostril,

and fire from his mouth did devour :

hot coals came burning from him.
The startling boldness of the language will be intelligible if the distinctive
character of Hebrew symbolism is borne in mind. It is no "gross
anthropomorphism," for the Psalmist did not intend that the mind's
eye should clothe his figure in a concrete form. His aim is vividly to
express the manifestation of the wrath of God, and he does so in figures
which are intended to remain as purely mental conceptions, not to be
realised as though God appeared in any visible shape. See some

202 II. SAMUEL, XXII. [vv. 9— II.

There went up a smoke out of his nostrils,

And fire out of his mouth devoured :

Coals were kindled by it.

He bowed the heavens also, and came down ;

And darkness was under his feet.

And he rode upon a cherub, and did fly :

And he was seen upon the wings of the wind.

excellent remarks in Archbishop Trench's Comm. on the Epistles to the
Seven Churches^ P- 43-

a smoke\ The outward sign of the pent-up fires of wrath. So anger
is said to smoke (Ps. Ixxiv. i, Ixxx. 4 marg.). This bold figure is suggested
by the panting and snorting of an angry animal. Cp. Job xli. 20 ; in
ilkistration of which Mr Cox quotes from Bertram's Travels in Carolina:
"I perceived a crocodile rush from a small lake... Thick smoke came
with a thundering noise from his nostrils." Martial speaks oifumantem
nasiim ursi "the smoking nostril of an angry bear" {Epigr. vi.
64. 28).

Jire'l Compare again Job's description of Leviathan (xli. 19 — 21).
Fire is the constant emblem of the consuming wrath of God. See
Deut. xxxii. 22 ; Ps. xcvii. 3 ; Heb. xii. 29.

coals'] The fiery messengers of vengeance. Cp. Ps. cxl. 10.

10. He bowed the heavens] The dark canopy of storm cloud, which
is the pavement under His feet (Nah. i. 3), lowers as He descends to
judgment. God is said to come down virhen He manifests His power
in the world (Gen. xi. 7, xviii. 21; Is. Ixiv. i). Darkness symbolizes
the mystery and terror of His Advent (Ex. xix. 16, xx. 21 ; i Kings viii.
12; Ps. xcvii. 2).

11. he rode upon a cherub] As the Shechinah, or m3rstic Presence
of God in the cloud of glory, rested over the Cherubim which were upon
the "Mercy-seat" or covering of the Ark (ch. vi. 2), so in this Theophany
God is represented "riding upon a Cherub," as the living throne on
which He traverses space.

The Cherubim appear in Scripture {a) as the guardians of Paradise
(Gen. iii. 24) : {b) as sculptured or wrought figures in the Tabernacle
and Temple (Ex. xxv. 17 — 20, xxvi. i, &c.) : (c) in prophetic visions
as the attendants of God (Ezek. x. i ff; cp. Ezek. i.; Is. vi. ; Rev. iv.).
The Cherubim of the Tabernacle and Temple seem to have been
winged human figures, representing the angelic attendants who minister
in God's Presence : those of Ezekiel's vision appear as composite figures
(Ezek. X. 20, 21), symbolical perhaps of all the powers of nature, which
wait upon God and fulfil His Will.

was seen] The true reading is that preserved in Ps. xviii. 10, did fly,
a peculiar word used of the swooping of an eagle (Deut. xxviii. 49;
Jer. xlviii. 40, xlix. 22). The consonants of the two words are so
nearly alike (NT**!— ^<'^''1), that the rarer word would be easily altered

vv. 12—16.] II. SAMUEL, XXII. 203

And he made darkness pavilions round about him, 12

Dark waters, and thick clouds of the skies.

Through the brightness before him 13

Were coals of fire kindled.

The Lord thundered from heaven, 14

And the most High uttered his voice.

And he sent out arrows, and scattered them ; 15

Lightning, and discomfited them.

And the channels of the sea appeared, 16

The foundations of the world were discovered,

At the rebuking of the Lord,

At the blast of the breath of his nostrils.

into the more common one. For "the wings of the wind" cp. Ps.
civ. 3.

12. More fully in Ps. xviii. 11 : "He made darkness his secret place,
his pavilion round about him ; even darkness of waters, thick clouds of
the skies." The darkness of the clouds is the tent in which God
shrouds His Majesty.

dark watersl So Ps. xviii. 11; but the word here, which is most
probably the original reading, means the gathering of waters.

13. Through the brightness^ &c.] Out of the brightness, &c. The
lightning flashes which now i)urst through the dense cloud, are as it
were rays of the "unapproachable light" in which Pie dwells. The
text of Ps. xviii. 12 is fuller and probably more correct: "Out of the
brightness before him there passed through his clouds hailstones and
coals of fire. "

14. the most High'] The name of God as the Supreme Ruler of the
Universe. Cp. Gen. xiv. 18 — 22; Deut. xxxii. 8.

uttered his voice] Thunder is the voice of God. See Job xxxvii. 2 — 5.
The repetition of "hailstones and coals of fire" in Ps. xviii. 13 is pro-
bably due to an error of transcription.

15. scattered them] "Them" obviously refers to the enemies whose
destruction was the object of this divine interposition [v. 4).

discomfited them] A word denoting the confusion of a sudden panic^
and used specially of supernatural defeat. Cp. Ex. xiv. 34 (E. V.
trotcbled); Josh. x. 10; Jud. iv. 15; i Sam. vii. 10.

16. All nature is pictured as convulsed to its lowest depths; the sea
dried up, and the hidden bases of the world laid bare, owning their
Lord and Master, as of old at the passage of the Red Sea, when "He
rebuked the Red Sea, and it was dried up." See Ex. xv. 8; Ps. civ. 7,
cvi. 9 ; Nah. i. 4. Cp. too Mt. viii. 26.

were discovered] Discover in Bible English generally retains its
literal meaning 'to uncover,' 'lay bare.'
at the blast, &c.] Cp. v. 9.

204 II. SAMUEL, XXII. [vv. 17—21.

1 7 — 2 1 . Jehovah^ s deliverance of his servant for his
faiihfultiess.

He sent from above, he took me ;

He drew me out of many waters ;

He delivered me from my strong enemy,

And from them that hated me : for they were too strong

for me.
They prevented me in the day of my calamity;
But the Lord was my stay.
He brought me forth also into a large place :
He delivered me, because he delighted in me.
The Lord rewarded me according to my righteousness :

17 — 21. Jehovah's deliverance of his servant for his faith-
fulness.

17. He sent from above] He reached forth from on high : stretched
out His hand and caught hold of the sinking man, and drew him out of
the floods of calamity which were engulfing him. Cp. v. 5 ; Ps. cxliv. 7.

drew me] A word found elsewhere only in Ex. ii. 10, and suggesting
a parallel, as though David would say, * He drew me out of the great
waters of distress, as He drew Moses out of the waters of the Nile,
to be the deliverer of His people.'

19. TAey prevented me] They encountered me, the same word as
in V. 6, meaning to meet with hostile intention. Frevejzt is used in a
sense which illustrates the transition from the original meaning ' to go
before ' to the modern meaning * to hinder.' See the Bible Word Book,
p. 383. Cp. Milton's Paradise Lost, vi. 129 :

Half way he met
His daring foe, at this prevention more
Incens'd.
my stay] The staff on which he leaned for support. Cp. Ps.
xxiii. 4.

20. into a large place] The opposite of the j/razVj- of peril. Cp. z/.
37 ; Ps. xxxi. 8.

because he delighted in me] This was the ground of God's deliver-
ance, and it now becomes the leading thought of the Psalm. Cp. ch.
XV. 26; Ps. xxii. 8; and also Matt. iii. 17, where the Greek word for
"I am well pleased" is the same as that used in the Sept. (euSo/cciJ').
The reference becomes doubly significant if it is borne in mind that the
theocratic king was called God's son (ch. vii. 14; Ps. ii. 7). See Introd.

P- 43-

21. according to my righteousness] This is no vain-glorious boasting
of his own merits, but a testimony to the faithfulness of Jehovah to
guard and reward His faithful servants. David does not lay claim to a
perfect righteousness, but to sincerity and single-heartedness in his

vv. 22—25.] II. SAMUEL, XXII. 205

According to the cleanness of my hands hath he recom-
pensed me.

2 2 — 2 5 . The integrity of David^s life and its reward.

For I have kept the ways of the Lord, 22

And have not wickedly departed from my God.

For all his judgments zvere before me : 23

And as for his statutes, I did not depart from them.

I was also upright before him, 24

And have kept myself from mine iniquity.

Therefore the Lord hath recompensed me according to 25

my righteousness ;
According to my cleanness in his eye sight.

devotion to God. Compare his own testimony (i Sam. xxvi. 23),
God's testimony (i Kings xiv. 8), and the testimony of history (i Kings
xi. 4, XV. 5), to his essential integrity.

Is not this conscious rectitude, this "princely heart of innocence,"
a clear indication that the Psalm was written before his great fall ?

the cleanness of my /iands'] = the purity of my actions. Cp. Ps. xxiv. 4.

22—25. The integrity of David's life and its reward.

22. For I have kept, &c.] He goes on to substantiate the assertion
of the preceding verse.

23. all his judgments -were before me\ God's commandments were
continually present to his mind as the rule of life. Cp. Deut. vi. 6 — 9 ;
Ps. cxix. 30, 102.

and as for his statutes, &c.] In Ps. xviii. 22, " And his statutes did I
not put away from me," in order to sin with less compunction. This
suits the parallelism better, and is probably the true reading.

24. uprighf] Ox perfect, as in vv. %i, 33. It expresses the sincerity
of undivided devotion. As a sacrificial term it signifies without blemish,
and so the Sept. renders it here d/xwfios, for which cp. Eph. i. 4; Col.
i. 22, &:c.

have kept myself from mine iniquity^ I have watched over my-
self that I might not transgress. Some see further in the words the
recognition of an inherent tendency to sin, or an allusion to some
special temptation, but the simple explanation is best.

25. The assertion oiv. 21 is repeated as the conclusion to be drawn
from the review of his conduct in vv. 22 — 24, and is confirmed in the
following verses by a consideration of the general laws of God's moral
government.

26—28. The law of God's dealings with men.
The truth here enunciated is that God's attitude towards men is
regulated by men's attitude towards God (cp. i Sam. ii. 30, xv. 23);

2o6 II. SAMUEL, XXII. [vv. 26— 29.

26 — 28. The law of God's dealings with men.

26 With the merciful thou wilt shew thyself merciful,

And with the upright man thou wilt shew thyself upright.

27 With the pure thou wilt shew thyself pure ;

And with the fro ward thou wilt shew thyself unsavoury.

28 And the afflicted people thou wilt save :

But thine eyes are upon the haughty, that thou mayest
bring them down.

29 — 31. God' s faithfulness attested by the Fsalmisfs
experience.

29 For thou art my lamp, O Lord :

not (though this is also true) that men's conceptions of God are the
reflection of their own characters.

26. the mercifur\ Ox pious: the word includes love to God as well as
to man. See note on i Sam. ii. 9, and cp. Matt. v. 7.

the upright man^ Lit. the upright hero: the man who is valiant in
maintaining his integrity.

27. with the pure, &c.] Properly oite who purifies himself. Cp.
I John iii. 3 ; Matt. v. 8 ; Ps. Ixxiii. i.

thou wilt shew thyself unsavoury\ Better, perverse. The man who
is froward^ morally distorted and perverse, is given over by God to
follow his own perverseness, till it brings him to destruction. Cp. Lev.
xxvi. 23, 24 ; Rom. i. 28 ; Rev. xxii. 11 ; and as an illustration, cp. the
history of Balaam (Num. xxii. 20).

28. thine eyes, &c.] Thine eyes are against the haughty, whom
thou bringest low. In Ps. xviii. 27 a more usual phrase is found :
" haughty eyes dost thou bring low." Cp. Is. ii. 11, 12, 17.

the afflicted people] The Heb. words for poor or afflicted and for
humble are closely connected ; and as afflicted is here contrasted with
haughty, it may be understood to mean those who through the dis-
cipline of suffering have learnt humility. Cp. Luke vi. 20 with
Matt. V. 3.

29 — 31. God's faithfulness attested by the Psalmist's
experience.

After celebrating God's goodness in delivering him from all the
dangers which threatened his life, David goes on to describe how God
had made him victorious over all his enemies.

29. For thou, &c.] For connects this verse closely with v. 29, as
the confirmation out of his own experience of the principles there
enunciated.

my lamp] Illuminating all his life with the light of prosperity, as
the lamp illuminates the house. Dominus illuminatio mea was David's
motto. Cp. Ps. xxvii. i, cxxxii. 17. With the different application of

vv. 30—34-] n. SAMUEL, XXII. 207

And the Lord will lighten my darkness.

For by thee I have run through a troop : 30

By my God have I leaped over a wall.

As for God, his way is perfect; 31

The word of the Lord is tried :

He is a buckler to all them that trust in him.

3 2 — 3 7 . The praise of Jehovah the giver of victo7y.
For who is God, save the Lord ? 32

And who is a rock, save our God ?

God is my strength a7id power: 33

And he maketh my way perfect.
He maketh my feet like hinds' /^^/.' 3*

the figure in Ps. xviii. 28, *'Thou wilt light my lamp," cp. i Kings xi.

36, XV. 4.

30. Two memorable events in David's life seem to be here alluded
to : the successful pursuit of the predatory " troop " of Amalekites
which had sacked Ziklag (i Sam. xxx: in vv. 8, 15, 23 the same
word troop is used of the Amalekites) : and the capture of Zion, effected
with such ease that he seemed to have leapt over the walls which its de-
fenders trusted were impregnable (ch. v. 6 — 8).

rtcn throug/i] Better, run after. The point is the speed of the
pursuit, not the completeness of the defeat. This and not the marginal
rendering broken is preferable.

31. tried'\ i.e. refilled: like pure gold, with no taint of earthly dross.
Cp. Ps. xii. 6, cxix. 140; Prov. xxx. 5.

a buckler, &c.] A sMeld to all them that take refuge in him. Cp.
z;. 3.

32—37. The praise of Jehovah the giver of victory.

32. For who is a strong God {El) save Jehovah ?
and who is a rock, save our God {Elohim) ?

Cp. ch. vii. 22 ; Deut. xxxii. 31 ; i Sam. ii. 2.

El, the name which describes God as the Mighty One, is found in
Samuel only in i Sam. ii. 3 ; 2 Sam. xxii. 31, 32, 33, 48, xxiiL 5. For
the combination of El and Eldhim see Gen. xxxiii. 20.

33. my strength SLnd power] Rather, my strong fortress. Ps. xviii.
32 reads " who girdeth me with strength :" cp. v. 40.

maketh my way perfect] Maketh is a different word from that similarly
translated in Ps. xviii. 32, and seems to express the removal of obstacles
which blocked up the path of his life. Observe the analogy between
the perfection of God's way {v. 31) and His servant's. Cp. Matt. v.
48. Cp. also Ps. ci. 2, 6.

34. like hinds'" feet] The hind, like the gazelle, was a type of
agility, swiftness, and surefootedness, indispensable qualifications in
ancient warfare. Cp. 2 Sam. ii. 18; i Chr. xii. 8.

2o8 II. SAMUEL, XXII. [vv. 35—40.

And setteth me upon my high places.

35 He teacheth my hands to war ;

So that a bow of steel is broken by mine arms.

36 Thou hast also given me the shield of thy salvation :
And thy gentleness hath made me great.

37 Thou hast enlarged my steps under me ;
So that my feet did not slip.

38 — 43. David's destructioji of his enemies.

38 I have pursued mine enemies, and destroyed them ;
And turned not again until I had consumed them.

39 And I have consumed them, and wounded them, that

they could not arise :
Yea, they are fallen under my feet.

40 For thou hast girded me with strength to battle :

setteth me upon my high places] The metaphor of the hind, bounding
unimpeded over the mountain tops, is continued. David's high places
are the mountain strongholds, the occupation of which secured him in
possession of the country. Cp. Deut. xxxii. 13. Hab. iii. 19 is an
obvious imitation of this passage.

35. so that a bow of steel, &c.] And mine arms bend a bow of
bronze. The ability to bend a metal bow (cp. Job xx. 24) was a mark of
superior strength. Readers of the Odyssey will recall Ulysses' bow,
which none but himself could bend. (Hom. Od. xxi. 409).

•Observe how David recognises that the advantages of physical
strength and energy, important qualifications in times when the king
was himself the leader of his people in battle, were gifts of God ; yet
that it was not these that saved him and made him victorious, but
Jehovah's care and help [vv. 36 ff.).

36. the shield of thy salvation'] Cp. Eph. vi. 17. Ps. xviii. 35 adds,
•'and thy right hand sustained me."

thy gentlejiess] This is a rendering of the word used in Ps. xviii. 35,
which means gentleness or condescension : but the reading here is
different, and probably means tby answering, i.e. thy answers to my
prayers for help.

37. enlarged my steps, &c.] Given me free space for unobstructed
motion (cp. v. 20; Prov. iv. 12), and the power to advance with firm,
unwavering steps.

38—43. David's destruction of his enemies.

38. dest7'oyed them] In Ps. xviii. 37, "overtaken them," an echo of
Ex. XV. 9.

39. A7id I have consumed them, and wounded them] Yea I con-
sumed them — omitted in Ps. xviii. 38— and crushed tbem.

vv. 41— 44.] n. SAMUEL, XXII. 209

Them that rose up against me hast thou subdued under

me.
Thou hast also given me the necks of mine enemies, <t

That I might destroy them that hate me.
They looked, but ^/lere was none to save ; 42

£ve7i unto the Lord, but he answered them not.
Then did I beat them as small as the dust of the earth, 4i
I did stamp them as the mire of the street, a/id did spread

them abroad.

44 — 46. T/ie establishment of David^ s dommion.

Thou also hast delivered me from the strivings of my 44

people,
Thou hast kept me to be head of the heathen :
A people wJiich I knew not shall serve me.

41. And mine enemies didst ttiou make to turn

their backs unto me:
as for tliem ttiat liate me, I destroyed them.
The first clause means that his enemies were put to fliglit (Ex. xxiii.
■27), not (as the E.V. suggests) that he planted his foot on their necks
in token of triumph (Josh. x. 24).

42. They looked^ They looked for help. Cp. Is. xvii. 7, 8. The
Sept. and Ps. xviii. 41 read, they ci~ied. There is only the difference of a
single letter between the words, as far as the consonants are concerned

even jcnto the Lord] In their extremity even the heathen might cry
for mercy to the "unknown God" of their enemies. Cp. i Sam. v. 12 ;
Jonah iii. 7 fF.

43. as thedtist of the earth"] In Ps. xviii. 42, **as the dust before the
wind." For the metaphor cp. 2 Kings xiii. 7.

/ did stamp them, &c.] In Ps. xviii. 42, "as the mire of the streets
did I empty them out :" I flung them away as worthless refuse. Again
the variation is due to the confusion of similar words (Dp"lk<— D^^IN)*

44—46. The establishment of David's dominion.

44. from the strivings of my people] The reference seems to be to
the civil wars and internal dissensions which had disturbed the early
years of David's reign, while Saul's house still endeavoured to maintain
its position. Through all these conflicts he had been safely brought, and
preserved to exercise dominion over the heathen nations round. Cp.
ch. viii. I — 14; Ps. ii. 8.

shall serve me] Served me. There is no reason for the sudden
transition of the E. V. to the future here and in vv. 45, 46. David is
still recounting his past victories, with special reference in all probability

II. SAMUEL _ . .. JL^i

2IO II. SAMUEL, XXII. [vv. 45—48.

45 Strangers shall submit themselves unto me :

As soon as they hear, they shall be obedient unto me.

46 Strangers shall fade away.

And they shall be afraid out of their dose places.

47 — 51. Concluding th anksgiving and doxology.

47 The Lord liveth ; and blessed be my rock ;

And exalted be the God of the rock of my salvation.

48 // is God that avengeth me,

And that bringeth down the people under me,

to the subjugation of the Syrians, whom he might well describe as "a
people he knew not." Cp. ch. viii. 6, x. 19.

45. shall submit themselves tinto 7;ie] Submitted themselves unto
me. The marginal rendering, yield feigned obedience, gives the original
meaning of the word, which according to its derivation seems to denote
tlie unwilling homage extorted fi-om the vanquished by their conqueror.
Cp. Deut. xxxiii. 29; Ps. Ixvi. 3, Ixxxi. 15.

as soon as they hear, &c.] At the mere rumour of David's victories
they offer their allegiance, as for example Toi king of Hamath did
(ch. viii. 9 ff.).

In Ps. xviii. 44 the order of the clauses is inverted.

46. shall fade away'] Faded away : like plants scorched up by the
burning sun. Cp. Ex. xviii. 18 [marg.).

shall be afraid] Probably, came limping out of their fastnesses:
a picture of the exhausted defenders of a fort dragging themselves
along with difficulty and reluctance to lay down their arms before
their conqueror. But the word may also be explained according to the
slightly different reading of Ps. xviii. 45, came trembling out of their
fastnesses, terrified into surrendering at discretion to the triumphant
invader. Cp. Mic. vii. 17; i Sam. xiv. 11.

47—51. Concluding thanksgiving and doxology.

47. The Lord liveth^ Life is the essential attribute of Jehovah,
Who is the Living God in contrast to the dead idols of the heathen.
The experience of David's life was to him a certain proof that God is
the living, acting Ruler of the World. Cp. Josh. iii. 10.

the God of the rock of my salvationi God who is strong and faithful
to work out deliverance for me. Cp. v. 3. Ps. xviii. 46 has merely
"the God of my salvation."

48. avengeth me] For the wrongs inflicted by Saul (i Sam. xxiv.
12); for the insults of Nabal (i Sam. xxv. 39); for the opposition of
those who refused to acknowledge him as king (ch. iv. 8). Vengeance
is the prerogative of God (Ps. xciv. i), and the visible execution of it
was anxiously looked for as His vindication of the righteousness and
innocence of His servants.

brijtgeth doxvn the people under me] The reference seems to be, as in

vv. 49— 5i; I-] n. SAMUEL, XXII. XXIII. 211

And that bringeth me forth from mine enemies : 49

Thou also hast lifted me up on high above them that rose

up against me :
Thou hast delivered me from the violent man*
Therefore I will give thanks unto thee, O Lord, 50

among the heathen,
And I will sing praises unto thy name.
He is the tower of salvation for his king : v-

And sheweth mercy to his anointed,
Unto David, and to his seed for evermore.

Ch. XXIII. 1—7. The last words of David,
Now these be the last words of David. 23

V. 44, to his success in overcoming internal opposition to his rule. It is
not the boast of a triumphant despot, but the thanksgiving of a ruler
who recognised the vital importance of union for the prosperity of Israel,
and the extreme difficulty of reconciling all the discordant elements in
the nation, and knew that it was a task beyond his unaided powers.
Cp. Ps. cxliv. 2. The Sept. reads "disciplineth."

49. bringeth 7ne foj-tJil The opposite of "shutting him up into the
hand of his enemies" (Ps. xxxi. 8). Cp. vv. 20, 37.

the violent mmi] This may mean men of violence in general, but as
Saul is named in the title, it is natural to see a definite reference to him
in particular. Cp. Ps. cxl. r, 4, 11.

50. The celebration of Jehovah's faithfulness to His servant is not to
be confined within the narrow limits of Israel. His praise is to be pro-
claimed among the heathen, who, as they are brought under the do-
minion of His people, may also be brought to the knowledge of Jehovah.
Cp. Ps. xcvi. 3, 10. This verse is quoted by St Paul in Rom. xv. 9
(along with Deut. xxxii. 43 ; Ps. cxvii. i ; Is. xi. 10), to prove that
the Old Testament anticipated the admission of the Gentiles to the
blessings of salvation.

51. He is the tozver of salvation'\ So the Qri: cp. Ps. Ixi. 3; Prov.
xviii. 10: but the A?// /(^/^, the Versions, and Ps. xviii. 50 read, Wjio
giveth great deliverance. The difference between the consonants of
the words in the original is very trifling (P1T3?D— ?n!l!0)'

to his seed for ever/nore'] A reference to the promise in ch. vii. 12 — \6,
claiming the continued favour of God for his posterity. See notes
there.

Cir. XXIII. 1 — 7. The last words of David.

The great hymn of triumph in ch. xxii., composed when David was in
the zenith of his prosperity, is followed by his "last words:" his last
prophetic utterance, delivered not long before his death, a parting testi-

14—2

212 11. SAMUEL, XXIII. [vv. 2—4.

David the son of Jesse said,

And the man who was raised up on high,

The anointed of the God of Jacob,

And the sweet psalmist of Israel, said,

The Spirit of the Lord spake by me.

And his word was in my tongue.

The God of Israel said,

The Rock of Israel spake to me,

He that ruleth over men must be just,

Ruling in the fear of God.

And he shall be as the light of the morning, when the sun

riseth,
Eveji a morning without clouds ;

mony to the world of his confidence in the fulfilment of the promise
concerning the eternal dominion of his posterity.

A translation of the Targum or Aramaic paraphrase of David's last
words is given in Note IV., p. 237.

1. David the son of Jesse said'\ The oracle of David the son of
Jesse: a peculiar word, generally used of a direct message from God
through a prophet in the phrase rendered, "saith the Lord," and
joined with the name of the human speaker only here and in Num. xxiv.
3,4, 15, 16; Prov. XXX. I. It therefore marks these "last words" as an
utterance delivered by special divine inspiration.

raised up on higli] Raised by God from a low estate to be the king of
Israel. Cp. ch. vii. 8, g; Ps. Ixxviii. 70, 71.

the God of Jacob'] The use of the name Jacob, instead of the more
familiar Israel, is chiefly poetical. It suggests more vividly the con-
nexion of the nation with their great ancestor, and recalls more forcibly
the covenant made with him by God. Cp. Ps. xx. i ; Is. ii. 3.

the sweet psalmist of Israel] Lit. pleasant in Isi'aeVs songs of praise:
a title deserving to stand by the side of "the anointed of the God of
Jacob," because he was God's instrument for educating and develop-
ing his people's religious life by means of his Psalms, not less than for
governing them as king. See Introd. ch. v. § 6, c, p. 31.

2. the Spirit of the Lord] A direct claim of inspiration, to which
Christ Himself bears witness (Matt. xxii. 43).

Observe the parallelisnis, which constitute Hebrew poetry.

3. 4. The oracular brevity of these verses hardly admits of transla-
tion, and makes the meaning of them obscure. They may be
rendered :

A ruler over men, a righteous one !

a ruler in the fear of God !

and he shall he as the light of morning when the sun riseth ;

a morning without clouds ;

when from sunshine, from rain, grass springeth from earth.

V. 5] n. SAMUEL, XXIII. 213

As the tender grass springing out of the earth

By clear shining after rain.

Although my house be not so with God ;

Yet he hath made with me an everlasting covenant,

Ordered in all things, and sure :

The second half of 7'. 3 draws, with a few strong strokes — there are
but six words in the original — an outline portrait of an ideal king, ruling
with perfect justice, controlled and guided by the fear of God. v. 4
depicts in figurative language the blessings of his reign.

His appearance will be like the life-giving sunsliine of a cloudless
morning ; blessings will follow him as verdure clothes the earth from
the united influences of sunshine and rain.

In order to appreciate the force of the latter figure, it must be borne in
mind that verdure is not perpetual in Palestine, as with us. There what
in June is "a brown, hard-baked, gaping plain, with only here and
there the withered stems of thistles and centaureas to tell that life
had ever existed there " is clothed in spring after the rains with " a
deep solid growth of clovers and grasses." David had been familiar
with the yearly transformation of the dry and dusty downs of Beth-lehem
into a lovely garden of brilliant flowers; an apt emblem of the gracious
influences of the perfect rule of an ideal king upon a hard and desert
world. Cp. Is. xxxii. 15, xxxv. i, 2. See Tristram's A"^/. Hist, of the
Bible, p. 454.

This prophecy is the companion and complement of the prophecy in
ch. vii. There the promise of an eternal dominion is given to the
house of David, finding a partial fulfilment in his descendants, and
a complete fulfilment only in Christ : here David himself is taught by
inspiration to draw the portrait of a ruler, some features of which were
partially realised in Solomon and the better kings of Judah, but which
finds it perfect realisation only in Christ.

The features of the portrait are developed and the outlines filled in
by subsequent prophets, with ever increasing cleai-ness pointing forward
to Him Who was to fulfil and more than fulfil all the anticipations of
prophecy.

Thus for the ruler cp. Micah v. 2 : for the characteristic of rigJiteous-
iirss cp. Ps. Ixxii. i — 3 (primarily referring to Solomon); Is. xi. i — 5:
Zech. ix. 9 : and especially Jer. xxiii. 5, xxxiii. 15: for ihe fear of the
Lord, cp. Is. xi. 2. The figure of the fertilising rain is borrowed in
Ps. Ixxii. 6 : cp. Is. xliv. 3, 4: that of the light is repeated in Prov,
iv. 18: and the closing words of the last prophet, "Unto you shall the
Sun of righteousness arise" (Mai. iv. 2), combine and re-echo these last
words of David,

5. For is not my house thus with God ?

for an ebernal covenant hath he made for mo,
ordered in all and secured :
for all my salvation and all good pleasure
shall he not cause it to spring forth ?

2T4 n. SAMUEL, XXIII. [w. 6, 7.

For this is all my salvation, and all my desire,

Although he make it not to grow.

But the sons (T/'BeHal shall be all of them as thorns thrust

away,
Because they cannot be taken with hands :
But the man that shall touch them must be fenced with

iron and the staff of a spear ;
And they shall be utteily burnt with lire in the same

place.

This seems to be the most probable rendering of an obscure passage.
The meaning then will be : Is not my house in such a relation to God,
because He has made an eternal covenant with me, that I may look
for the righteous ruler to arise out of it, bringing with him all these
attendant blessings?

"The eternal covenant" is the promise in ch. vii. 1-2 fif., to which
David refers as the ground of his confidence in the fulfihnent of this
prophecy in and through his house. The epithets "ordered in all and
secured " compare the covenant to a carefully drawn and properly
attested legal document.

Finally he expresses his confidence that God will in due time cause
the salvation promised to him and his house, and all His own good
pleasure, to grow and prosper, using a metaphor suggested by that in
V. 4. Cp. Ps. cxxxii. 17; Jer. xxxiii. 15; and for God's "good
pleasure," cp. Is. liii. 10.

6. Bid the sons of Belial^ But the ■V7icked, &c. All ungodly
men and evil things are described as wortlilessiiess or wickedness.
Their judgment and destruction is the necessary consequence of the
perfect rule of the righteous king. Cp. Matt. xiii. 41.

7. Btit the 7nan, &c.] But the man who toucheth them must arm
himself with iron and a spear shaft. The thorns cannot be touched by
hand, but must be torn up with an iron hook fastened to a long handle.
The expression is chosen so as to be applicable to the enemies who are
figured, as well as to the thorns which figure them.

^ burnt with Jin] Cp. Matt. iii. 10, xiii. 30; Lk. xix. 27; Heb.
vi. 8.

in the same place] Or perhaps, Jintil they are consumed. But the
word is probably not part of the true text, and should be omitted
altogether.

8—39. David's Heroes and their exploits.
= I Chr. xi. II — 41.

This section is placed in Chronicles after the account of David's
election as King of Israel and his capture of Zion, and is prefaced by the
heading: "These also are the chief of the mighty men whom David had,
who shewed themselves strong with him in his kingdom with all Israel,
to make him king, according to the word of the Lord concerning

vv. 8, 9.] II. SAMUEL, XXIII. 215

8 — 39. David's Heroes and their exploits.

8—12. The first Three.

These he the names of the mighty men whom David had : s
The Tachmonite' that sat in the seat, chief among the cap-
tains ; the same ivas Adino the Eznite : he lift up his spear
against eight hundred, whom he slew at one time. And 9
after him zvas Eleazar the son of Dodo the Ahohite, one of
the three mighty men with David, when they defied the
Philistines that were there gathered together to battle, and

Israel." The list therefore belongs, at any rate in substance, to the
earlier part of David's reign.

8—12. The FIRST Three.

8. the mighty meit] Used here in a narrower sense, not of the whole
body-guard of six hundred. See note on ch. xv. 18.

The Tachmonite that sat in the seat] The text is corrupt, and we
must follow I Chr. xi. 1 1 in reading Jashobeam the Haclinionite. He
joined David at Ziklag (i Chr. xii. 6), and was afterwards made general
of the first division of the army (i Chr. xxvii. 2). Jehiel, the tutor
of the king^'s sons, belonged to tlie same family (r Chr. xxvii. 32).

chief aviong the captains'] The word translated captains probably
means aides-de-camp, or personal attendants on the king. See i Kings
ix. 22 (E.V. captains); 2 Kings vii. 2, 17, 19 (E.V. lord), ix. 25, x. 25,
XV. 25. But it is possible that we should alter the text slightly, and
read chief of the three (Vulg., E.V., viarg.). Cp. v. 23. In fact all
through this section there is a constant confusion between the words for
captain or aide-di-cainp^ three, and thirty, which are all closely similar
in the Heb.

the same was Adino the Eznite\ These words are probably a cor-
ruption of some words equivalent to those in i Chr. xi. 11, which are
needed to complete the sense here: lie brandislied his spear. The
Sept. reads "Adinon the Asonosan, he drew his sword."

eight hundred] Chr. reads three hundred^ perhaps by confusion with
V. 18, There is no ground for supposing that two different occasions
are referred to.

slew at one time] With the help perhaps of some of his men. Yet
cp. Jud. iii. 31, XV. 15.

9. Dodo] The Kthibh may be read Dodai, as the name is given in
I Chr. xxvii. 4, where we learn that Dodai, as next in rank to Jasho-
beam, was general of the second division of the army.

the Ahohite] A patronymic derived from Ahoah, the son of Benja-
min's eldest son Bela (i Chron. viii. 4). Perhaps Dodo, like Jasho-
beam, was one of the Benjamites who joined David at Ziklag (i Chron.
xii. I, 2).

that 7uere there gathered together] There implies the previous mention of
the name of some place, and certain anomalies of construction also indi-

2i6 II. SAMUEL, XXIII. [vv. 10—13.

10 the men of Israel were gone away : he arose, and smote
the Philistines until his hand was weary, and his hand clave

. unto the sword : and the Lord wrought a great victory that

11 day; and the people returned after him only to spoil. And
after him was Shammah the son of Agee the Hararite. And
the Philistines were gathered together into a troop, where
was a piece of ground full ^lentiles : and the people fled from

t2 the Philistines. But he stood in the midst of the ground,
and defended it, and slew the Philistines : and the Lord
wrought a great victory.

1 3 — 1 7. The water of the well at Beth-lehem.
13 And three of the thirty chief went down, and came to

cate that the text is defective, i Chr. xi. 13 reads: "Eleazar...one of
the three mighty men. He was with David at Pas-dammim, and there
the PhiHstines were gathered together to battle." Pas-dammim, or Ephes-
dammim, where David slew Goliath, was in the valley of Elah, between
Shochoh and Azekah. The name, signifying "boundary of blood," was
probably due to its being the scene of frequent skirmishes with the
Philistines. See i Sam. xvii. i.

were g07ie azvay\ Rather, went up to battle. The words "and the
people fled from before the Philistines," which appear to correspond to
this in 1 Chr. xi. 13, really belong to Shammah's exploit {v. 11).
Several lines have been lost from the text there.

10. his hand clave tinto the swo7'd'\ At the close of the massacre of
the Christians of Mount Lebanon by the Druses, in i860. Sheikh All
Amad's hand so clave to the handle of his sword that he could not open
it until the muscles were relaxed by fomentation of hot water. Van
Lennep's Bible Lands, ii. p. 679.

wrought a great victory\ Lit. wi-onght a great delivei'ance or salvation.
Cp. I Sam. xi. 13, xix. 5.

returned after hini\ Were turning after Mm, were following him :
not necessarily implying that they had fled previously.

11. into a troop\ Probably the consonants should be read M'ith
different vowels to Lehi, the scene of Samson's victory over the Philis-
tines (Jud. XV. 9, 14, 19).

lentiles'] Chr. reads barley. The two words might easily be confused
in Hebrew. The Philistines came up to cany off the ripe crops. Cp.
I Sam. xxiii. i.

13 — 17. The water of the well at Beth-lehem.

13. three of the thirty chiefs Not the three mentioned before, but in
all probabiHty Abishai, Benaiah, and a third not named, who were pro-
moted from the "Thirty" to form a second triad as a reward for this
feat of valour.

vv. 14—17.] II. SAMUEL, XXIII. 217

David in the harvest time unto the cave of Adullam : and
the troop of the PhiHstines pitched in the valley of Re-
phaim. And David ivas then in a hold, and the garrison 14
of the Philistines was then in Beth-lehem. And David 15
longed, and said, Oh that one would give me drink of the
water of the well of Beth-lehem, which is by the gate. And 16
the three mighty 7ne?i brake through the host of the Phi-
listines, and drew water out of the well of Beth-lehem,
that was by the gate, and took it, and brought it to David :
nevertheless he would not drink thereof, but poured it out
unto the Lord. And he said, Be it far from me, O Lord, 17

in the harvest time] The preposition does not mean ift, and the read-
ing of r Chr. xi. 15 to the rock is perhaps the true one.

the cave of Adtdlam] David's old haunt in the valley of Elah. See
note on i Sam. xxii. i.

the valley of Rephaim] See note on eh. v. 18. The mention of the
"hold" and this valley together in both narratives makes it not im-
probable that the exploit of the three heroes occurred in the invasion
related in ch. v. 1 7 ff,

14. iti a hold\ In the strong-hold, probably the same as that
mentioned in ch. v. 17, \vhere see note. The ruins bearing the name
Aid el Ma, M'hich is supposed to be a corruption oi Adiillam^ lie at the
foot of a high rounded hill almost isolated by subordinate valleys. This
forms a natural fortress, and may have been "the rock" which was the
site of David's stronghold ; while numerous caves, still used for habita-
tions, are found in the neighbouring valleys.

the garrison of the Philistines] The same term is used of the military
posts of the Philistines in Israelite territory in i Sam. xiii. 23, xiv. i ff;
and a similar word in i Sam. x. 5, xiii. 3.

15. the well of Beth-lehem] The traditional " David's well" is half
a mile N.N.E. of Beth-lehem. Ritter [Geogr. of Pal. in. 340) speaks
of its "deep shaft and clear cool water;" but it is too far from the town
to be described as "at the gate."

16. brake throzigh the host of the Philistines] A striking proof of the
enthusiasm which David inspired in his followers, and a noble instance
of the true spirit of chivalry, which fears no danger and shrinks from no
self-sacrifice, in order to do the smallest service for the object of its
devotion; the spirit which is perfected in the highest example of love
(John XV. 13).

ponred it ottt unto the Lord] The sacrificial term for pouring out a
drink-offering or libation (Gen. xxxv. 14, &c.). "That which had been
won by the lives of those three gallant chiefs was too sacred for him to
drink, but it was on that very account deemed by him as worthy to be
consecrated in sacrifice to God, as any of the prescribed offerings of the
Levitical ritual. Pure Chivalry and pure Religion there formed an
absolute union." Stanley's Led. ii. 54.

2i8 II. SAMUEL, XXIII. [vv. 18—20.

that I should do this : is not this the blood of the men that
.went m Jeopai'dy of thoir lives? therefore he would not drink
it. These things did these three mighty 7nen.

18 — 23. Exploits of Abishai and Benaiah.

c3 And Abishai, the brother of Joab, the son of Zeruiah,
ivas chief among three. And he lift up his spear against
three hundred, and slew them, and had the name among

19 three. Was he not most honourable of three ? there-
fore he was their captain : howbeit he attained not unto

JO the first three. And Benaiah the son of Jehoiada, the
son of a valiant man, of Kabzeel, who had done many
acts, he slew two lion-Uke men of Moab : he went

17. is not this the bloody As the text stands, the sentence is simply
an interrogative exclamation : The blood of the men...? But Sept.,
Vulg. and Chron.read: Shall I drink the blood...? The water fetched at
the risk of his comrades' lives seemed to him the very blood in which
the life resides (Lev. xvii. 10, 11).

18 — 23. Exploits of Abishai and Benaiah.

18. Abishai] David's valiant but hard-hearted nephew, who shared
the command of the army with his brother Joab in the Amnionite war
and in Absalom's rebellion (ch. x. 10, 14, xviii. 2). The characteristic
trait of his nature was a blunt impetuous ferocity. See i Sam. xxvi. 8;
1 Sam. xvi. 9, xix. 21.

chief among three] The Qri reads chief of the three ; those namely
who were mentioned in v. 17. But the Kthibh has chief of the aides-
de-camp., as in V. 8.

among three] As before, among the three.

20. Benaiah the son of Jehoiada] Commander of the body-guard
(ch. viii. 18, XX. 23), and general of the third division of the army (i Chr.
xxvii. 5, 6). He was an active supporter of Solomon against Adonijah,
and was rewarded by being made commander-in-chief in place of Joab.
See I Kings i. 8, 26, 32 ff., ii. 25 — 35, 46, iv. 4. His father Jehoiada
was "the chief priest" (i Chr. xxvii. 5), that is, probably, the high priest's
deputy, and leader of the " Aaronites," i.e. priests, who joined David
at Hebron (i Chr. xii. 27).

the son of a valiant man] Better, a valiant man.

Kabzeel] A town in the extreme south of Judah towards the border
of Edom (Josh. xv. 21), reoccupied after the Captivity and called
Jekabzeel. Its exact site is unknown.

tzvo lion-like men of Moab] Ariel, translated lion-liJce mail, means lion
of God, a title applied by the Arabs and Persians to celebrated warriors.
The Sept. reads " the two sons of Ariel," and it has been conjectured
that Ariel was a title of the Moabite king; but i Chr. xi. 22 supports the

rv. 21— 24-] II. SAMUEL, XXIII. 219

down also and slew a lion in the midst of a pit in time
of snow: and he slew an Egyptian, a goodly man: and the 21
Egyptian had a spear in his hand; but he went down to
him with a staff, and plucked the spear out of the Egyptian's
hand, and slew him with his own spear. These things did 22
Benaiah the son of Jehoiada, and had the name among
three mighty me7i. He was more honourable thon the thirty, 23
but he attained not to the fiist three. And David set him
over his guard.

24 — 39. The Thirty Heroes.
Asahel the brother of Joab zuas one of the thirty; Elhanan 24

reading of the Heb. text. The exploit may have been an incident in
the Moabite war recorded in ch. viii. 1.

a lion, &c.] The lion had probably been driven by the severity of
the winter into the neighbourhood of some village, to the terror of the
inhabitants.

21. a goodly mai{\ Lit. a man of appearance, a notable man ; which
is explained in i Chr. xi. 23 to mean "a man of great stature," with
the addition, " five cubits high."

a spear] The Sept. adds, li/ce the beam of a bridge (or, of a ladder-):
Chron. like a weaver's beam, as in ch. xxi. 19.

with a staff] Cp. (though the word is different) i Sam. xvii. 40, 43.

22. among three mighty men] Among the three mighty men of tlie
second rank.

23. set him over his gtmrd] Made Mm a member of his privy-
council : lit. appointed hi/n to his audience. Cp. i Sam. xxii. 14 (note).
If, as seems not improbable, Jehoiada the son of Benaiah in i Chr.
xxvii. 34 is a textual error for Benaiah the son of Jehoiada, we have
another reference to his tenure of this office, which was distinct Irom
that of commander of the body guard (ch. viii. iS, xx. -23).

24 — 39. The Thirty Heroes.

The names in this liit vary considerably from those in the corresponding
list in I Chron. xi. 26 — 41. In all probability both lists have suffered
considerably from lextual corruption, by which names are especially liable
to be affected, and many of the differences can clearly be traced to this
source. But it cannot be assumed as absolutely certain that the lists
were originally identical. This catalogue may possibly have been
revised at a later period of David's reign, when the body was to some
extent differently constituted.

The heroes are for the most part distinguished by the names of their
native places or residences ; and these are in some cases identical with
clan or family names, because the head of the clan gave his name to the
place where his family settled.

24. The list in Chron. is headed *' And the mighty men of valour
were Asahel," <S:c.

220 II. SAMUEL, XXIII. [vv. 25—28.

25 the son of Dodo of Beth-lehem, Shammah the Harodite,
26. Elika the Harodite, Helez the Paltite, Ira the son of Ikkesh

27 the Tekoite, Abiezer the Anethothite, Mebunnai the Hu-

28 shathite, Zahnon the Ahohite, Maharai the Netophathite,

AsahcT\ David's nephew. Seenote on ch. ii. 18,
Elhananl Apparently not the same as Elhanan the son of Jair of
Beth-lehem (ch. xxi. 19), if the text is sound.

25. Shammah the Harodite\ Of Harod, perhaps the place men-
tioned in Jud. vii. i, which may be either Ain Jdlud near Jezreel, or
Ain el Jemmaiii near Beth-shan. He is probably to be identified with
Shamhuth the Izrahite, general of the fifth division of the army (i Chr.
xxvii. 8), Izrahite being his family name.

Elika] Omitted in Chr., probably by accident, owing to the repeti-
tion of Harodite.

26. Hclez the Paltite\ Generally explained to mean of Beth-pelet,
an unidentified town in the extreme south of Judah, named in the same
group with Beer-sheba (Josh. xv. 27). But this seems questionable, as
he is called an Ephraimite in i Chr. xxvii. 10. i Chron. twice reads
Felonite (xi. 27, xxvii. 10), but there is no known place or family from
which such a name could be formed, and it is either a corruption, or
the Hebrew word meaning of so and so, inserted by a scribe who could
not read the original word in the text which he was copying. Helez
was general of the seventh division of the army (i Chr. xxvii. 10).

Ira. ..the Tekoite'] Of Tekoa, see note on ch. xiv. 2. He was
general of the sixth division of the army (i Chr. xxvii. 9), and a differ-
ent person from David's minister (ch. xx. 26).

27. Abiezer the Anethothite] Of Anathoth in Benjamin. The mo-
dern village oi Andta, three miles N.N.E. of Jerusalem, preserves the
name and marks the site. It was a priests' city (Josh. xxi. 18); the
home of Abiathar (i Kings ii. 26); and the birth-place of the prophet
Jeremiah (Jer, i. i). Antothite (i Chr. xi. 28), %n<l Anetothite {1 Chr.
xxvii. 12), are merely different transliterations of the same Heb. word.
In the latter passage Abiezer is named as the general of the ftinth divi-
sion of the army.

Mebunnai the Ilitshathite] Mebunnai C^IIJO) is doubtless a textual
error for Sibbechai CDQD), the consonants being very similar and easily
confused in the original text, which had no vowels. Sibbechai won
renown by slaying the giant Saph (ch. xxi. 18), and commanded the eighth
division of the army (i Chr. xxvii. 11). His native place Hiishah must
have been in Judah, as it is mentioned among the places occupied by
the descendants of Judah (i Chr. iv. 4), but nothing further is known
about it. He belonged to the important clan of the Zarhites, descended
from Zerah the son of Judah (i Chr. ii. 4).

28. Zalmon the Ahohite] Chron. has Ilai. Whether the difference
is original, or due to corruption of the text, it is impossible to decide.
On Ahohite see v. 9.

Maharai the Netophathite] Of Netophah, perhaps the modern Umin
Tobay three miles N.E. of Beth-lehem, a place inhabited by Levites

vv. 29—33.] n. SAMUEL, XXIII. 221

Heleb the son of Baanah, a Netophathite, Ittai the son 29
of Ribai out of Gibeah of the children of Benjamin, Benaiah 30
the Pirathonite, Hiddai of the brooks of Gaash, Abi-albon 31
the Arbathite, Azmaveth the Barhumite, EUahba the Shaal- 32
bonite, of the sons of Jashen, Jonathan, Shammah the 33

(i Chr. ix. 16), and mentioned in the accounts of the Return from the
Captivity (Ezra ii. 22; Neh. vii. 26). Maharai commanded the tenth
division of the army, and, like Sibbechai, was a Zarhite.

29. Heleb] Or Heled (i Chr. xi. 7,0), ox Heldai {1 Chr. xxvii. 15),
of the house of Othniel, commander of the twelfth division.

Ittai\ Ithai in Chron. is merely a different way of pronouncing the
same name. He must of course be distinguished from Ittai the Gittite.

30. Beiiaiah the Pirathonite] Of Pirathon in Ephraim (Jud. xii. 13,
15), perhaps the modern Fo'dta, six miles W.S.W. of Shechem.
Benaiah was general of the eleventh division (i Chr. xxvii. 14).

Hiddai] In i Chr. xi. 32 Hurai, owing to the common confusion of
d and r.

the brooks of Gaash] Or NaMle- Gaash, a proper name meaning the
ravijies of the earthqtiake, "The hill of Gaash" was on the south of
Joshua's property at Timnath-serah in Mount Ephraim (Josh. xix. 50,
xxiv. 30; Jud. ii. 9), the traditional site of which is Kefr Hdris, nine
miles S.W. of Shechem. But no trace of the name Gaash has yet been
discovered.

31. Abi-albon the Arbathite] Called in i Chr. xi. 32 Abie!^ which
is probably the true reading, as Abi-albon is an unknown name, and
may easily have arisen from confusion with Shaalbonite in the line
below. For a similar confusion cp. ch. xxi. 19. He was a native
of Arabah or Beth-arabah, a town in the wilderness of Judah, on the
border between Judah and Benjamin (Josh. xv. 6, 61, xviii. 18, 22).

the Barhtunite] Of Bahurim : see note on ch. iii. 16 : a corruption or
transposition for Bahariwiite, which is found in i Chr. xi. 33.

32. the Shaalbonite] of Shaalabbin in the tribe of Dan (Josh. xix.
42 ; Jud. i. 35 ; i Kings iv. 9) ; pei-haps the modern Selbit, 3 miles
N. W. of Ydlo (Aijalon), and about 15 miles W. N.W. of Jerusalem.

oi the sons of y ashen, fonathan, Shammah the Hararite] Of \s not
in the Heb. text; Chron. reads "the sons of Hashem the Gizonite,
Jonathan the son of Shage the Hararite." The word bni ( = sons)
seems quite out of place, and must either be omitted as an erroneous
repetition of the last three letters of the preceding word, or regarded as
a part of the hero's name. The name of his native place must also be
inserted from Chron. Thus we get Jashen (Chron. Hashem), or
BneJasheJt (Chron. Bnehashem) the Gizonite as the probable reading.

33. Shammah the Hararite] Shammah has already been mentioned
'\xiv. II as one of the first Three, so that his name is evidently out of
place among the Thirty. A comparison of the text of i Chron. xi. 34
makes it tolerably certain that we should read either Jonathan the son
of Agee the Hararite, or Jonathan the son of Shammah the Hararite,
making Jonathan either brother or son of the hero mentioned 'm.v. 11.

222 II. SAMUEL, XXIII. [vv. 34—39.

34 Hararite, Ahiam the son of Sharar the Hararite, EHphelet
" the son of Ahasbai, the son of the Maachathite, Eliam the

35 son of Ahithophel the Gilonite, Hezrai the Carmehte, Paarai

36 the Arbite, Igal the son of Nathan of Zobah, Bani the

37 Gadite, Zelek the Ammonite, Naharai the Beerothite, armour-
3S bearer to Joab the son of Zeruiah, Ira an Ithrite, Gareb an
39 Ithrite, Uriah the Hittite : thirty and seven in all.

Sharar'\ In Chron. Sacar, a name found also in i Chr. xxvi. 4.

34. Here the text of i Chr. xi. 35, 36 diverges widely, and in place
of the names in this verse reads "Eliphal the son of Ur, Hepher the
Mecherathite, Ahijah the Pelonite."

the son of the Maachathite\ Better, the Maachatliite, a member of
the clan or family of Maachah, settled at Abel-beth-Maachah (ch. xx. 14
ff.); or possibly a native of the Syrian kingdom of Maaclrah (ch. x. 6).

Eliam'] Son of David's clever but treacherous counsellor (ch. xv. 12) ;
supposed by some to be the father of Bath-sheba. But the identification
is doubtful : see note on ch. xi. 3.

35. Hezrai the Carmelite] The Kthihh agrees with i Chr. xi. 37 in
reading Hezro. He belonged to Carmel in the mountainous covmtry of
Judah, now Kicrmtd, about seven miles S. S.E. of Hebron. Cp. i
Sam. XXV. 1.

Paarai the Arbite] Of Arab, a city also in the neighbourhood of
Hebron (Josh. xv. 52), perhaps er-Kabiyeh, about five miles S. of
Hebron. Chron. reads "Naarai the son of Ezbai."

36. Igal the son of Nathan of Zobah] .In Chron. "Joel, the brother
of Nathan." The consonants of Igal (aS^) and Joel (PN^) are so
similar that one or other of the names is probably corrupt. Igal
occurs in Num. xiii. 7 ; i Chr. iii. 11. If the text is correct lie was a
Syrian of Zobah. See note on ch. viii. 3.

Bani the Gadite] This is probably the true reading, and Ulibhar the
son of Haggeri in i Chr. xi. 38 is a corruption of the words here of
Zobah Bani the Gadite.

37. Zelek the Ammonite] Like Igal the Syrian, and Ittai the Philis-
tine, a foreigner who rose to distinction in David's service.

Naharai the Beerothite] Of Beeroth (see note on ch. iv. 2), and there-
fore perhaps a Gibeonite by race.

armouj-bearer] The Kthtbh has the plural armoiirbearers, but the
singular is supported by the Sept. and Chron., and is probably the
correct reading. Joab had ten armourbearers or attendant squires
(ch. xviii. 15).

38. Ithrite] Belonging to the family of Jether, which settled at
Kirjath-jearim (i Chr. ii. 53).

39. Uriah] See on ch. xi. 3.

thirty and seven in all] This total is obtained either {a) by reckoning
three in the first class {vv. 8 — 12), two in the second {vv. 18 — 23), and
thirty-two in the third {vv. 24—39), emending v. 34 by the help of
Chron. so as to contain three names : or {b) if the text of v. 34 is

V. I.] II. SAMUEL, XXIV. 223

Ch. XXIV. The nwnbering of the People and the Plague.

I — 9. The Numheriiig of the People.

And again the anger of the Lord was kindled against 24
Israel, and he moved David against them to say, Go,

retained, by counting three in the second class, though only two are
mentioned by name. Joab, as commander-in-chief, is not reckoned in
the total.

In I Chr. xi. 41 — 47 sixteen additional names are given, possibly
either of those who became members of the body when its number was
not rigidly limited to thirty, or of those who took the places vacated by
death.

Ch. XXIV. The numbering of the People and the Plague.
= I Chr. xxi. I — 27.

There is no definite note of time to shew when the events here re-
corded took place, but several indications point to the later years of
David's reign, {a) The language oiv. i, *^ agam the anger of the Lord
was kindled against Israel " evidently refers to the famine recorded in
ch. xxi. and points to a date after that occurrence, {b) It would have
been impossible for the commander-in-chief to spend nearly ten months
in taking the census, except at a time of permanent peace, [c) David's
preparations for building the Temple, which occupied the last years of
his reign, are narrated in Chronicles as the immediate sequel of his
purchase of Araunah's threshing-floor.

The corresponding narrative in Chronicles agrees much less closely
than usual with Samuel. Either its writer drew from other sources, or
the compiler of Samuel has omitted much of the original account.

For a discussion of the nature of David's sin see Additional Note V.
p. 238.

1—9. The Numbering of the People.

1. agalji] The previous manifestation of God's anger referred to
M-as the famine (ch. xxi.). It is possible that the two narratives stood in
close juxtaposition in the original document used by the compiler.

and he moved David against theni] The subject of the verb is
Jehovah. The nation had sinned and incurred His anger, and He
instigated David to an act which brought down a sharp punishment on
the nation. The statement that God incited David to do what was
afterwards condemned and punished as a heinous sin cannot of course
mean that He compelled David to sin, but that in order to test and prove
his character He allowed the temptation to assault him. Thus while
we read that "God himself tempteth no man" (James i. 13), we are
taught to pray "Bring us not into temptation" (Matt. vi. 13). In
I Chr. xxi. I we read " Satan stood up against Israel and moved David
to number Israel." The older record speaks only of God's permissive
action : the latter tells us of the malicious instrumentality of Satan.
The case is like that of Job (Job i. 12, ii. 10).

224 11. SAMUEL, XXIV. [vv. 2—5.

2 number Israel and Judah. For the king said to Joab the
"captain of the host, which was with him. Go now through

all the tribes of Israel, from Dan even to Beer-sheba, and
number ye the people, that I may know the number of the

3 people. And Joab said unto the king, Now the Lord thy
God add unto the people, how many soever they be, an
hundredfold, and that the eyes of my lord the king may see
//.• but why doth my lord the king delight in this thing?

4 Notwithstanding the king's word prevailed against Joab, and
against the captains of the host. And Joab and the captains
of the host went out from the presence of the king, to num-

5 ber the people ^Israel. And they passed over Jordan, and

Go, nutJibe)-'] Go, count ; a different word from that translated
munber in the rest of the chapter, for the meaning of which sec note
on ch. xviii. i.

Israel and JiuiaJil The designation of the people as Israel and
Judah seems to have been in use even before the Division of the
Kingdoms. In the next verse Israel includes the whole nation. See
Introd. p. 13.

2. For the king said] And the king said : yielding to the tempta-
tion to which he was subjected by permission of God through the
instrumentality of Satan.

ike host] The word for host in vv. 1, ^ is different from that gene-
rally used of the Israelite army, and perhaps indicates that this chapter
was derived from a different source.

number ye] It is stated in i Chron. xxi. 1 that the commission was given
to "Joab and to the captains (or princes) of the people." Their
cooperation is here implied by the use of the plural, and by v. 4. They
were associated with Joab in the work, just as the princes of the tribes
were associated with Moses and Aaron in taking the census (Num. i.
4 ff.), and this indicates that the census had some military object in
view.

3. the Lord thy God add, &c.] Cp. Deut. i. ir.

and that the eyes, &c.] That is, may it happen in the king's life-
time.

why doth my loj'd, &c.] *' Why will he be a cause of trespass to
Israel?" is the further explanation of Joab's thoughts given in i Chr. xxi. 3.
It is probable that a shrewd practical man like Joab, whose life shews
no signs of being influenced by religious motives, opposed the king's
purpose more from the fear of exciting disaffection among the people by
a scheme to increase the burdens of miUtary service, than from a sense
that the king's spirit was displeasing to God, though the latter motive
may not have been altogether absent.

4. against Joab, and against the captains of the host] A council of
the officers of the army was held, in which the scheme was discussed.

V. 6.] II. SAMUEL, XXIV. 225

pitched in Aroer, on the right side of the city that lieth in
the midst of the river of Gad, and toward Jazer : then they 6
came to Gilead, and to the land of Tahtim-hodshi ; and

5. /;/ Aroer'\ This Aroer is generally thought to be Aroer near
Rabbah in the tribe of Gad (Josh. xiii. 25) : but since it is natural to
suppose that the census began from the southern boundary of the Trans-
Jordanic territory, which was the river Arnon, and since the city that is
in the midst of the ravine is repeatedly mentioned in connexion with
Aroer upon the Arnon (Deut. ii. 36 ; Josh. xiii. 9, 16; cp. Josh. xii. 2)
in describing the southern boundary of the tribe of Reuben, it seems
far better to understand Aroer to be the Aroer on the Arnon.

The site of Aroer on the Arnon is marked by the ruins of Ara^ar on
the northern edge of the Wady Mojeb. This deep gorge in the level
plateau is the ravine (E. V. river) of the Arnon, The latest explorer
of Moab says: "Above the Roman bridge are some faint remains of
early buildings ; perhaps ' the city that is in the midst of the river.'
At least it is scarcely possible that such exuberant vegetation, with
perennial moisture, should have remained unappropriated in the time of
Israel's greatness; and whether the place so vaguely spoken of were
above or below the fords ; — ' cities ' or villages there were sure to be
in the midst of the 'river' or wady^ Tristram's Lajid of Moab, p.
128.

0)1 the right side] On the south, for the Hebrews reckoned the points
of the compass facing the east.

of Gad] If the view taken above with regard to Aroer is correct,
of Gad must be separated from the river, and rendered towards Gad.
Probably some such words as and they came have dropped out, as the
preposition towards before Jazer requires a verb of motion. Indeed
there are good reasons for supposing that the Heb. text is corrupt, and
that we should read with some MSS. of the Sept.: "And they began
from Aroer, and from the city which is in the midst of the ravine; and
they came to Gad and towards Jazer."

Jazer] Or Jaazer, a city captured by Israel from the Amorites (Num.
xxi. 32), rebuilt by the tribe of Gad (Num. xxxii. 35; Josh. xiii. 25),
allotted to the Levites (Josh. xxi. 39), subsequently Moabite (Is. xvi.
8, 9), and recaptured by Judas Maccabaeus from the Ammonites (i Mace.
v. 6). Its site is probably to be placed at es Szir, 7 miles W. S.W. of
A?nmdu (Rabbah) and 9 miles N. of Heshbon.

6. Gilead] The mountainous district partly to the north and partly
to the south of the River Jabbok.

the land of Tahti/n-hodshi] No such district is known, and the form
of the words also makes it probable that the text is corrupt. Some
conjecture that we should read (with some MSS. of the Sept.) to the
land of the Hitlites to Kedesh, the famous Hittite capital on the Orontes,
but this seems too far north ; others conjecture the regions hehno mount
Hermon; and so forth. All that can be said is that some district, ap-
parently east of the Jordan and north of Gilead, is meant.

II. SAMUEL

15

226 II. SAMUEL. XXIV. [vv. 7—9.

7 they came to Dan-jaan, and about to Zidon, and came to
- the strong hold of Tyre, and to all the cities of the Hivites,

and of the Canaanites : and they went out to the south of

8 Judah, even to Beer-sheba. So when they had gone through
all the land, they came to Jerusalem at the end of nine

9 months and twenty days. And Joab gave /// the sum of the
number of the people unto the king : and there were in
Israel eight hundred thousand valiant men that drew the
sword j and the men of Judah were five hundred thousand
men.

Dan-jaan'] Perhaps the well known Dan, but if so, it is strange that
it should here and nowhere else be distinguished as Dan-jaan. The
meaning oi jaan is uncertain, and perhaps we should follow the Sept.
(A) and Vulg. in reading Dan-jaar, i.e. Dan in the forest.

a7id about to Zidon'] Shaping their course westward to the famous city
of Zidon, the extreme north-western limit of the kingdom, on the border
of Asher (Josh. xix. 28), but never occupied by that tribe (Jud. i. 31).
Zidon was anciently the most important city of Phoenicia, and hence
the Phoenicians are generally called Zidonians in the O. T. (Josh. xiii.
6 ; Jud. xviii. 7 ; i Kings v. 6) ; but at this time it was inferior and pro-
bably subject to Tyre.

7. the strojig hold of Tyre] The same term — generally rendered
fenced city in the E.V.— is applied to Tyre in Josh, xix, 29, where Tyre

is named among the places on the border of Asher. Like Zidon it was
never occupied by the Israelites, and we must suppose either that the
region traversed by the enumerators is defined as reaching up to though
not including Tyre and Zidon, or that these cities were actually visited
in order to take a census of Israelites resident in them.

the cities oj the Hivites, and of the Canaanites] The old inhabitants
were never exterminated from the northern part of Palestine, but made
tributary, and apparently allowed to dwell in communities of their own.
The district round Kedesh-Naphtali in particular was called the region
of the nations or Galilee of the Gentiles (Josh. xx. 7 ; i Kings ix. 11 ; Is.
ix. i). The Hivites dwelt principally in this northern region (Josh.
xi. 3; Jud. iii. 3), and also round Gibeon (Josh.xi. 19), and are probably
specified as the tribe of which most survived: the Canaanites would
include all the other native tribes in general.

8. through all the land] Joab however omitted the Levites, in ac-
• cordance with the direction given to Moses (Num. i. 47 ff.), because

they were exempt from military service; and the Benjamites, possibly
in order to avoid exciting disaffection in a tribe specially ready to take
offence.

9. eight hundred thousand., fve hundred thousand] In i Chr. xxi. 5
the numbers are given as 1,100,000 for Israel, and 470,000 for Judah.
This discrepancy may be due to textual corruption, but more probably
arises from a difference in the original estimates, or in the oral tradition

vv. lo— 12.] II. SAMUEL, XXIV. 227

10 — 14. The choice of pimishments.

And David's heart smote him after that he had num- 10
bered the people. And David said unto the Lord, I have
sinned greatly in that I have done : and now, I beseech
thee, O Lord, take away the iniquity of thy servant ; for I
have done very foolishly. For when David was up in the "
morning, the word of the Lord came unto the prophet Gad,
David's seer, saying. Go and say unto David, Thus saith the 12

with respect to them, since the result of the census was not authorita-
tively registered in the state records (i Chr. xxvii. 24). The conjecture
that the standing army of 288,000 men (i Chr. xxvii. i — 15) is here de-
ducted from Israel, and some body of 30,000 troops added to Judah, is
ingenious, but rendered improbable by the fact that it is necessary to
add to the one and subtract from the other to make the totals equal to
those of I Chron.

The numbers have been attacked as exaggerated, and far exceeding
the possible capacity of the country. The numbers given imply a total
population of live or six millions at least, and the area of the country
is estimated at about ir,ooo square miles. This gives (making allow-
ance for the excepted tribes) between 500 and 600 to the square mile, a
high but not impossible rate of population when the extreme fertility
of the country in ancient times is taken into consideration. The ruins
with which Palestine is covered in every direction prove that the
population was exceptionally dense. See Smith's Diet, of the Bible, Art.
Census,

10 — 14. Tpie choice of punishments.

10. David'' s heart sinote him'\ Conscience accused him, and he be-
came aware of his guilt. He recognised the sinfulness of the proud and
vainglorious spirit of self-confidence and desire for worldly aggrandise-
ment which had induced him to take the census. See Additional Note
V. p. 238.

I have done very foolishly'] Cp. i Sam. xiii. 13; 2 Chr. xvi. 9. In
both these cases, as in effect here, the folly was sin springing from
distrust of God.

11. For when David was up in the morning] And David arose in
the morning, and, »S:c. : after the recognition and confession of his sin.
The E.V, gives the false impression that the conviction of his sin was
the result of Gad's visit, which is not the meaning of the passage. Gad
was not sent until after his confession and prayer for pardon.

the prophet Gad, David^s seer] Gad has not been mentioned since he
was with David in his wanderings (i Sam. xxii. 5), but no doubt had
been acting as his confidential counsellor throughout. The word for
"seer" is chozeh, literally "gazer," a term first used here in place of the
older word "seer," roeh. See note on i Sam. ix. 9. The narrative
before us was not improbably written by Gad himself (i Chr. xxix. 29).

15—2

228 II. SAMUEL, XXIV. [vv. 13-15.

Lord, I offer thee three things ; choose thee one of them,
.3 that I may do it unto thee. So Gad came to David, and
told him, and said unto him, Shall seven years of famine
come unto thee in thy land ? or wilt thou flee three months
before thine enemies, while they pursue thee? or that there
be three days' pestilence in thy land ? now advise, and see
[4 what answer I shall return to him that sent me. And David
said unto Gad, I am in a great strait : let us fall now into
the hand of the Lord; for his mercies are great: and let
me not fall into the hand of man.

1 5 — T 7. The Plague.

15 So the Lord sent a pestilence upon Israel from the morn-
ing even to the time appointed : and there died of the people

13. seven years of famine] The reading of the Sept. and Chron. is
three years, and this is unquestionably to be preferred, as required by the
symmetry of the statement. Famine, war, and pestilence are three of
Jehovah's four sore judgments (Ezek. xiv. 21). Two of them David
had already experienced. Note the expanded form in which Gad's
speech is given in i Chr. xxi. 1 2, especially the representation of the
pestilence as "the angel of the Lord destroying throughout all the
coasts of Israel."

advise] Lit. kiiow or consider. Advise, like advise thyself in i Chr.
xxi. 12 means reflect or consider So Milton, Par. Lost, II. 376:
Advise, if this be worth
Attempting.

14. his mercies are great] Cp. Ps. li. i ; and the reference to this
passage in Ecclus. ii. 17, 18: "They that fear the Lord will prepare
their hearts, and humble their souls in his sight, saying, We will fall
into the hands of the Lord, and not into the hands of men: for as his
majesty is, so is his mercy."

The Sept. adds at the close of the verse: "And David chose him the
pestilence (lit. death). And it was the days of wheat harvest." War
would place the nation at the mercy of its enemies : famine would make
it dependent on corn-merchants, who might greatly aggravate the
miseries of scarcity: only in the pestilence — some form of plague
sudden and mysterious in its attack, and baffling the medical know-
ledge of the time — would the punishment come directly from God, and
depend immediately upon His Will.

15—17. The Plague.

15. even to the time appointed] The meaning of these words, which
are not found in Chron., is very doubtful, (i) The E.V. follows the
Vulg. tisqiie ad iempus constitzitnm. This would naturally mean until

vv. i6, 17.] II. SAMUEL, XXIV. 229

from Dan even to Beer-sheba seventy thousand men.
And when the angel stretched out his hand upon Jerusa-
lem to destroy it, the Lord repented him of the evil, and
said to the angel that destroyed the people, // is enough:
stay now thine hand. And the angel of the Lord was by
the threshingplace of Araunah the Jebusite. And David

the end of the third day; but the duration of the plague seems to have
been mercifully shortened {v. 16). Perhaps a time appointed (there is
no definite article) might mean a time determined in the counsel of God,
before the expiration of the period originally named. (2) Most com-
mentators render until the time of assembly, i.e. the hour for oftering
the evening sacrifice, about three o'clock in the afternoon. Cp, i Kings
xviii. 29, 36; Dan. ix. 21; Acts iii. i. This is supported by the ex-
planation given in the Targum : " from the time of the slaying of the
perpetual sacrifice until it is burned ;" and by Jerome {Qnaest. Hebr. in
libros Regitm): "By the time appointed is meant that at which the
evening sacrifice was offered." (3) The Sept. rendering, until the time
of breakfast, i.e. noon, is improbat)le.

16. the angelX Angels are God's ministers in temporal judgment
now, as well as in the final judgment hereafter. Cp. Ex. xii. 23; Ps.
Ixxviii. 49; 2 Kings xix. 35; Acts xii. 23; Matt. xiii. 41.

the Lord repented him of the evil] Cp. Ex. xxxii. 14; Jer. xxvi. 13,
19; Jon. iii. 10. On the one hand Scripture teaches us that "God is
not a man that he should repent" (Num. xxiii. 19; i Sam. xv. 29); on
the other hand it does not shrink from saying that God repents (a) when,
as here, upon man's penitence He withdraws or mitigates a punisliment :
{b) when, upon man's faithlessness or disobedience, He cancels a promise
or revokes a blessing which He had given. God's repentance does not
mean that He who foreknows all things regrets His action, nor is it a
sign of mutability. Scripture boldly states the two apparently contra-
dictory truths, and leaves conscience to harmonize them. See notes on
I Sam. XV. II, 29.

the threshingplace of Arawiah the febtisitel The threshingfloor :
precisely the same word as in vv. 18, 21, 24. Threshingfloors were
constructed on eminences, to catch the wind for winnowing the grain.
Araunah's threshingfloor was on Mount Moriah, the hill to the east-
ward of Jerusalem, and was the site upon which the Temple was after-
wards built (2 Chr. iii. i). See Additional Note vi. p. 240. This
Mount Moriah was identified by Jewish tradition (e.g. Josephus Ant.
VII. 13.4) with the mountain in the land of Moriah which was the scene
of the sacrifice of Isaac (Gen. xxii. 2 ff. ), but the identification has
been questioned, '^^o. Sinai and Pal. ^. 251.

It has been supposed by some that the sacred rock of the Moslems,
which is the highest point of the Temple hill, and is now covered by
the Kiibbet es Sakhrah or "Dome of the Rock," marks the actual site
of Araunah's threshing-floor. See Sinai and Pal. p. 178 ff.

Araiinah'\ The name is variously spelt Aravnah {v. 16 Qri), Avar-

16

230 II. SAMUEL, XXIV. [v. i8.

spake unto the Lord when he saw the angel that smote the
people, and said, Lo, I have smned, and I have done
wickedly : but these sheep, what have they done ? let thine
hand, I pray thee, be against me, and against my father's
house.

1 8 — 25. Piu'chase of Arawtah^s threshmgfloor and erection
of an altar there.

is And Gad came that day to David, and said unto him,

nah (z;. 16 Kthfbh), Aranyah {v. 18 KtMbh)', in Chron. it is written
Oman; and in the Sept. in both books "Opva {Orna). This variety of
form is probably due to different attempts to represent a non-Hebraic
name. There is no ground for the popular belief (based on a misunder-
standing of z/. 23) that Araunah was the old king of Jebus before its
conquest by David, and had been permitted by David to reside on his
estate just outside Jerusalem. But his presence there is an evidence
that the old inhabitants had been allowed to remain, and even to retain
their property. Cp. i Kings ix. 20.

17. 'when he sazv the angel] The writer of Chronicles, dwelling
upon the details of the miraculous circumstances which attended the
designation of the site of the Temple, records that "David lifted up his
eyes, and saw the angel of the Lord standing between the eailh and
the heaven, having a drawn sword in his hand stretched out over Jeru-
salem. And David and the elders, who were clothed in sackcloth, fell
upon their faces " (xxi. 16).

I have sinned, and I have done wickedly] It is I that have sinned
and I that have done perversely. The pronoun is twice emphatically
expressed. Sin is doubly described as missing an aim, coming short of
the mark of duty; and as crooked or perverse action, following the
leadings of self-will instead of the straightforward path of right. Cp.
I Kings viii. 47; Ps. xxxii. I, 2.

these sheep, what have they done] Cp. ch. vii. 8 ; Ps. Ixxiv. i ; xcv. 7.
David takes all the blame upon himself, for his offence had been the
immediate cause of the plague, and it is characteristic of true penitence
to dwell exclusively on its own sin, without respect to the complicity of
others. But it is clear from v. i that the sin was the sin of the people
as well as of David. See Additional Note V. p. 238.

18 — 25. Purchase of Araunah's threshingfloor and
erection of an altar there.

18. Gad came] By direction of the angel, according to i Chr. xxi.
18. Gad's message was the answer to David's prayer, the announce-
ment to him of the purpose of mercy described in v. 16. David was
still in Jerusalem, praying perhaps at the tent in which the Ark was,
when he saw the appearance of the angel hovering above the neigh-
bouring hill, and apparently about to strike the city.

vv. 19—23] 11. SAMUEL, XXIV. 231

Go up, rear an altar unto the Lord in the threshing-
floor of Araunah the Jebusite. And David, according to 19
the saying of Gad, went up as the Lord commanded. And 20
Araunah looked, and saw the king and his servants coming
on toward him : and Araunah went out, and bowed himself
before the king on his face upon the ground. And Araunah 21
said, Wherefore is my lord the king come to his servant?
And David said, To buy the threshingfloor of thee, to
build an altar unto the Lord, that the plague may be
stayed from the people. And Araunah said unto David, Let 22
my lord the king take and offer up what seemeth good unto
him : behold, here be oxen for burnt sacrifice, and threshing
instruments and other instruments of the oxen for wood. All 23
these things did Araunah, as a king, give unto the king.
And Araunah said unto the king. The Lord thy God accept

20. saw the king\ In Chron. sazv the angel, but the words angel
and king in Heb. are very similar, and probably king is the true reading
there also.

xvent oni\ From the threshingfloor where he was at work threshing
wheat.

22. threshing instruments'] The threshing' sledges, drawn by the
oxen which Araunah ofifers for sacrifice. For a description of this im-
plement see note on ch. xii. 31. The word there is different, and that
used here is found only in i Chr. xxi. 23 and Is. xli. 15. Corn was either
trampled out by oxen (Deut. xxv. 4), or beaten out by these machines.
See Smith's Diet, of Bible, Art. Agricnltnre.

other instruments of the oxen] Omit other. The instruments of the
oxen were the wooden yokes. Cp. i Kings xix. 21; i Sam. vi. 14.
Chron. adds, " and the wheat for the meat offering. "

23. All these things, &c.] Render, The whole doth Araunah, 0
Mug-, give unto the king. The words are a continuation of Araunah's
speech in £/. 22. Cp. i Chr. xxi. 23. Although the rendering, "the
whole did king Araunah give unto the king," is grammatically possible,
it is inconceivable that so important a fact as that Araunah was the
former king of Jebus should be only mentioned in so incidental a way,
and the striking picture drawn by Dean Stanley {Led. II. in) of the
meeting of the two princes — "the fallen king of the ancient fortress,
the new king of the restored capital, each moved alike by the misfortune
of a city which in different senses belonged to each" — must be given
up as destitute of historical foundation. But the word O king is not
found in the Sept. or Vulg., and should probably be omitted. In this
case the words will be the narrator's summary of Araunah's offer: " the
whole did Araunah give unto the king:" give, as in the strikingly
similar offer of Ephron to Abraham, meaning oj'er. See Gen. xxiii. 1 1 .

232 II. SAMUEL, XXIV. [vv. 24, 25.

24 thee. And the king said unto Araunah, Nay; but I will
surely buy it of thee at a price: neither will I offer burnt
offerings unto the Lord my God of that which doth cost me
nothing. So David bought the threshingfloor and the

25 oxen for fifty shekels of silver. And David built there an
altar unto the Lord, and offered burnt offerings and peace
offerings. So the Lord was intreated for the land, and the
plague was stayed from Israel.

accept thee] The same word is used of God's acceptance of prayer
and sacrifice in Job xxxiii. 26 (E. V. be favourable); Ezek. xx. 40, 4I,
xliii. 27, &c.

24. licit hcj' will I offer.,. of that which doth cost 7iie nothing] For
that would contradict the essential idea of sacrifice. " It is an heart-
less piety of those base-minded Christians that care only to serve God
good cheap." Bp. Hall. Cp. Mai. i. 13, 14.

David bought the threshingfloor and the oxen for ffty shekels of silver]
The corresponding statement in i Chr. xxi. 25 is that "David gave to
Oman for the place six hundred shekels of gold by weight." If this
refers to the same purchase, we can only suppose that the numbers in
one or both of the passages are corrupt : but it is possible that the im-
mediate purchase of the threshingfloor and the oxen for fifty shekels of
silver was a distinct transaction from the subsequent purchase of " the
place," that is, the whole area upon which the Temple was erected, for
six hundred shekels of gold.

25. bitrnt offerings and peace offerings] The Sept. adds; "And
Solomon added to the altar afterwards, for it was small at the first:"
and this, whether merely a gloss or part of the original text, agrees
with the statement in Chronicles, that David chose the spot for the site
of the Temple. See i Chron. xxii. i ; 2 Chr. iii. i.

So the Lord was intreated for the land] See note on ch. xxi. 14.

APPENDIX.

NOTE I.

The Messianic Interpretation of Nathan's Prophecy to
David in Chap. vii.

This prophecy marks an important stage in the Old Testament
revelation which prepared the way for the Messiah's coming. The
primeval promise to Adam held out the hope of deliverance through
"the seed of the woman M" Abraham received the assurance that "in
his seed should all the nations of the earth be blessed"-;" Jacob in his
dying blessing assigned the sceptre to Judah^. Thus the whole human
race, one nation of the race, and one tribe of the nation, were succes-
sively designated to be the means of realising the promise of blessing to
mankind. And now by this prophetic declaration a further limitation
was made, and the family of David was chosen out of the tribe of Judah
as the depositary of the promise.

At this epoch of the national history, Israel's hopes centred in the
theocratic kingdom, in the establishment of a government whose head
was to be the visible representative of Jehovah. And now by God's
message thi^ough Nathan this kingdom was for ever promised to the
house of David. To it therefore men's hopes were now directed as the
destined instrument of salvation.

But this prophecy does not speak of the Messiah as an individual ;
it does not predict the perfect reign of a sinless king. It contemplates
a succession of kings of David's line, who would be liable to fall into
sin and would need the discipline of chastisement. The perfect king in
whom, as we now know, the line was to culminate, and the prophecy
receive its highest fulfilment, is not yet foreshadowed.

It remained for prophet and psalmist, developing this fundamental
revelation, to draw the picture of the ideal king who should spring
from David's seed, and exercise dominion as the true representative of
Jehovah on earth. As each human heir of David's line failed to fulfil

^ Gen. iii. 15. ^ Gen. xxii. 18.

' Gen. xlix. 10. Cp. i Cliron. xxvlii. 4.

234 APPENDIX.

the expectation, hope was carried forward and elevated, until He came
to Whom is given the throne of His father David, and of Whose king-
dom there shall be no end^.

The subsequent references to this great promise should be carefully
studied.

(a) David applies it to Solomon, i Chr. xxii. 9, 10, xxviii. 2 ff.

(d) Solomon claims it for himself, i Kings v. 5; 2 Chr. vi. 7 fF.;
I Kings viii. 1 7 — 20.

{c) It is confirmed to Solomon, i Kings ix. 4, 5.

(d) It is repeatedly affirmed, that in spite of the sin of individual
kings, the kingdom shall not be withdrawn from David's house for his
sake. I Kings xi. 31 — 39, xv. 4, 5; 2 Kings viii. 18, 19.

(e) Ps. Ixxxix., written no doubt in the dark days when the mo-
narchy was already tottering to its fall, recapitulates this promise, and
pleads with God that He should not suffer it to be frustrated. See
especially vv. 19 — 37. Ps. cxxxii. 11, 12, and Is. Iv. 3, also contain
distinct references to it.

NOTE II.
On the execution of Saul's sons.

The narrative of the famine for Saul's sin, and the consequent sur-
render of his sons to the Gibeonites for execution calls for some comment
beyond the compass of an ordinary note. Both punishments seem to
fall on the heads of those who were not personally guilty.

1. The nation was punished for the sin of its ruler committed many
years before. With regard to this, Waterland^ justly observes: "It
ought not to be said, because it cannot be proved, that the Israelites of
that time were punished for crimes that they were in no way guilty of.
We know not how many, or who, were confederate with Saul in mur-
dering the Gibeonites, or guilty in not hindering it. We know not how
many, or who, made the crime their own by approving it afterwards."
Further it must be remembered that the king was the representative of
the people. The sins of an individual member of a community must
necessarily in many instances be regarded as implicating the whole com-
munity, until they are detected and repudiated^. Much more then
must the sins of the national representative involve the whole nation in
their consequences.

The fact that the punishment did not come until years after the sin
was committed is "a recognition of the continuance of a nation's life, of
its obligations and its sins from age to age. All national morality, nay
the meaning and possibility of history, depends upon this trutli'^."

' Luke i. 32, 33.

2 Scripture Vindicated: Works, IV. 269.

3 See for example the law of murder (Deut. xxi. i — g) : the case of Achan (Josh,
vi;. iff).

* '^\z.\xx\z^'% Prophets and Kings, p. 6g.

APPENDIX. 235

2. Saul's sons, who were not charged with being in any way per-
sonally accessory to their father's crime, were put to death to expiate it.
The sins of the father were visited upon the children. Now, as Ezekiel
clearly teaches, no innocent man can be regarded as justly punishable
for another's sin^: but in those early ages the family was regarded
as an unit, and the sins of the head of the family were regarded as in-
volving all its members in their consequences. The sense of the rights
and the responsibilities of each individual was as yet undeveloped.
Consequently, as seen by the people, the execution of Saul's sons was
z. judicial z.z\. of retribution ; but this aspect of the transaction was only
an "accommodation" to the current ideas of the age. Viewed in its
essential character as sanctioned by God, it was a didactic act, designed
to teach the guilt of sin.

God has an absolute power of life and death over His creatures, and
may at any time take away the life which He has given. " The exter-
mination of the Canaanites, and the destruction of the families of Korah,
Dathan, and Abiram, of Achan, and of Saul, were great lessons, and
lessons which the great Master could give by the simple exercise of His
right as the Lord of human life..,. They were real tizXs, and expressed
the real mind of the Deity, only as acts of instruction. God cannot
punish a man for the reason of another's sin; but it is open to God
to inflict death upon His creatures, zvithout a reason, if it so pleases
Him ; and of course for a reason if it be a good one : — in order to
strike wholesome terror, in order to keep a standing memento, in order
to associate sin with a spectacle of horror and destruction 2."

3. The act was no doubt one which would not have been sanctioned
in a more enlightened age; but the supposition that "David seized
this opportunity to rid himself of seven possible claimants to the
throne" (Smith's Diet, of the Bible, III. 1133) is a baseless calumny,
sufficiently refuted by his care for Mephibosheth, and by the obscurity
of the victims ; and the idea that he may have been, for a while at
least, "infected by the baneful example of the Phoenicians" in offering
human sacrifices, is contradicted by all that we know of his character.
The omission of this incident in i Chronicles is quite in accordance
with the plan of that work, and need not be explained by assuming
that when that book was written it had come to be regarded as a
barbarous act of superstition, too horrible to be retained in the history.
See Introd., ch. III. p. 22.

NOTE in.
1 Samuel xxii. and Psalm xviii.

The variations between the two texts of this Psalm in the Book of
Samuel and in the Psalter present a critical problem of great interest

' Ezek. xviii. 2 — 4, 19, 20.

2 Mozley's Lectures on the Old Testament, Lect. V. The whole lecture deserves
careful study as bearing upon the question.

APPENDIX.

and importance in its bearing on the integrity of the text of the O.T.
Two questions obviously arise: (i) How are the variations to be ac-
counted for : and (2) which text is to be preferred as nearest to the
original.

1. It has been maintained by some critics that both recensions pro-
ceeded from the author, and are equally authentic. That in Samuel
is supposed to be the original form : that in the Psalter is supposed to
be a revision prepared by David himself, probably towards the close
of his life, for public recitation.

This is a conjecture which can neither be proved nor disproved : but
while many of the variations are certainly intentional, and due to the
hand of a reviser, many are as certainly due to accidental errors of
transcription.

The confusion of similar letters^: the omission and repetition of
clauses-: the transposition of words^: are phenomena familiar to the
student of the MSS. of the N.T. ; and both texts have suffered to some
extent from these causes.

2. Those who reject the hypothesis that both recensions proceeded
from David's own pen, are not agreed which is nearest to the original.
The text in the Psalter appears to present the more polished literary
form : that in Samuel is marked by several roughnesses of language and
expression.

Some reserve is necessary in expressing an opinion on the question:
but the present editor is inclined to believe that the text in 1 Samuel,
although in many respects defective, is as a whole the better represen-
tative of the original form : and that the text in the Psalter has been
subjected to a careful revision at a later date, in which peculiar forms,
which perhaps were "licenses of popular usage," have been replaced
by classical forms; unusual constructions simplified; archaisms and
obscure expressions explained.

The existing Hebrew text of the O.T. is so commonly regarded as
free from errors that it may be worth while to note the following con-
clusions which seem to follow from a comparison of the two texts.

(i) That in all probability there was a period before the final close
of the Canon when the letter of the text was not regarded with the
same reverence as in a later age, and the scribes considered revision
and alteration allowable.

(2) That it is certain that there was a long period in the history
of the text of the O.T., during which it was not copied with the scru-
pulous accuracy which characterized the later Jewish scribes, and con-
sequently errors of transcription crept in, as in the case of the N.T.

(3) That nevertheless the extent of the possible alteration or corrup-
tion of the text of the O.T. must not be exaggerated. In spite of con-
siderable variations in detail, the general sense and spirit of the Psalm
remain the same in the two recensions: and so, although the present
"received text" of the O.T. may vary considerably in detail from the
original autographs, it still preserves the substantial sense.

^ See notes on vv. 11, 42, 43. ^ See vv. 13, 14. ^ See vv. 5, 6.

APPENDIX. 237

NOTE IV.
The Targum of 2 Sam. xxiii. 1—7.

A translation of the Targum of Jonathan, or Aramaic Paraphrase of
David's Last Words, is here given as a specimen of ancient Jewish
exegesis, specially interesting because it interprets the passage as a direct
prophecy of the Messiah. It is right to remark that it is only in poetical
passages that the Targum adds so largely to the original. For the most
part it is a baldly literal translation.

1. And these are the words of the prophecy of David, which he
prophesied concerning the end of the age ^, concerning the days of con-
solation- which are to come. David the son of Jesse said, and the man
who was exalted to the kingdom said, the anointed by the Word of the
God of Jacob, and chief in presiding over the sweetness of the praises of
Israel :

2. David said, By the spirit of prophecy of Jehovah I speak these
things, and His holy words do I order in my mouth :

3. David said. The God of Israel spake concerning me, the Strong
One of Israel who ruleth over the sons of men, judging in truth, said
that he would appoint for me a king, who is the Messiah, who shall arise
and rule in the fear of Jehovah.

4. Blessed are ye righteous who have wrought for yourselves good
deeds, for ye shall shine as the light of His glory, as the brightness of the
dawn which cometh forth in its strength, and like the sun which shall
shine as the brightness of his glory, three hundred and forty-three fold^,
as the light of seven stars for seven days. More than this shall ye be
magnified and prospered, who have been desiring the years of consola-
tion that are coming, like the husbandman who waiteth in the years of
drought for the rain to descend upon the earth.

5. David said, More than this is my house before God, for He hath
sworn an eternal oath unto me, that my kingdom should be established
as the orders of Creation are established, and should be preserved for
the age which is to come; for all my needs and all my petitions are
set before Him : therefore no kingdom shall be established against it
any more.

6. But wicked sinners are like thorns, which, when they spring up,
are soft to pluck up, but when a man spareth them, and leaveth them
alone, they grow and wax strong until it is impossible to approach them
with the hand.

7. So likewise if any man beginneth to approach unto trespasses,
they grow and wax strong over him, until they cover him like a garment
of iron, against which men cannot prevail with shafts of spears and
lances. Therefore vengeance on them is not in the power of man, but
with fire shall they be utterly consumed when the court of the great
judgment shall be revealed and sit on the seat of judgment to judge
the world.

' Cp. Mt. xiii. 39, 40. 2 Cp. Lk. ii. 25.

* The cube of the perfect number seven.

2-,3 APPEiNDIX.

NOTE V.
The numbering of the people.

What were David's motives for taking the census, and why was the
act sinful? An ordinary census was perfectly legitimate; it was ex-
pressly provided for by the Mosaic law^; and upon three occasions at
least a census of the people was taken by Moses without offence^. It was
not then the census itself which was displeasing to God, but the motive
which inspired David to take it. Various conjectures have been sug-
gested to account for David's wish to number the people. Some suppose
that he intended to develope the military power of the nation with a view
to foreign conquest ; others that he meditated the organization of an im-
perial despotism and the imposition of fresh taxes. The military
character of the whole proceeding, which was discussed in a council of
officers^ and carried out under Joab's superintendence, makes it probable
that it was connected with some plan for increasing the effective army,
possibly with a view to foreign conquests. But whether any definite
design of increased armaments or heavier taxation lay behind it or not,
it seems clear that what constituted the sin of the act was the vain-
glorious spirit which prompted it. In a moment of pride and ambition
— pride at the prosperity of the kingdom, ambition to be like the kings
of the nations round about, — he desired to know to the full over how
vast and populous a kingdom he ruled, forgetting that the strength of
Israel consisted not in the number of its people, but in the protecting
care of God. This view is strongly corroborated by Joab's expostula-
tion, "The Lord thy God add unto the people, how many soever they
be, an hundredfold, and that the eyes of my lord the king may see it:
but why doth my lord the king delight in this thing^?" It was a
momentary apostasy from Jehovah; an oblivion of that spirit of depen-
dence which was the duty and the glory of the kings of Israel ; the sin
denounced by Jeremiah when he said: "Cursed be the man that
trusteth in man, and maketh flesh his arm, and whose heart departeth
from Jehovah^."

The sin was not confined to David: it had infected the nation. It is
expressly said that "the anger of Jehovah was kindled against Israel^ ^
It may be that now, on the very threshold of their national existence,
they were tempted by visions of worldly glory to forget that Israel was
not to realise its vocation to the world in the guise of a conquering
secular state, but as Jehovah's witness among the nations. If so, if pride
was alienating the heart of king and people from their allegiance to
Jehovah, a prompt chastisement was the truest mercy.

But it was needful for an external, visible, manifestation of the sin to
precede the judgment, in order to justify the ways of God to men. The

* Ex. XXX. 12 ff.

"^ See Ex. xxxviii. 26 ; Num. i. 2, 3 ; Num. xxvi. i ff.

3 2 Sam. xxiv. 4. ■* 2 Sam. xxiv. 3.

* Jer. xvii. 5. ^2 Sam. xxiv. i.

APPENDIX. 239

temptation was presented to David; he fell, and in his fall represented
truly and faithfully the fall of the nation. The nation was not punished
vicariously for its ruler's sin, but for a sin which was its own, and was
only embodied and made visible by its ruler's act. And the punishment
struck the very point of their pride, by diminishing the numbers which
had been the ground of their self-confident elation. The Jewish tra-
dition^ that the sin consisted in the omission to pay the atonement
money prescribed on the occasion of a census^, has a certain truth under-
lying it. That ordinance was designed to teach the people that they
were not their own, but Jehovah's; and though there is no ground for
supposing that the letter of the regulation was neglected, the spirit of it
seems to have been forgotten.

NOTE VI.
The Topography of Jerusalem.

The topography of Jerusalem is a much-disputed problem. The
data of the O. T., the Apocrypha, and Josephus are extremely difficult
to reconcile, and the changes which the natural features of the site have
undergone in the course of centuries by the levelling of heights and
filling up of valleys, make a satisfactory determination of the sites
almost hopeless.

The places mentioned in the Second Book of Samuel are (a) Zion or
the City of David: (I?) the threshing-floor of Araunah, on which the
Temple was afterwards built : (r) the Millo.

The natural features of the site of Jerusalem are briefly as follows.
The plateau on which the city stands is enclosed on three sides by deep
ravines : on the East by the Valley of the Kidron, dividing the Temple
Mount from the Mount of Olives: on the West and South by the Valley
of Hinnom. It was originally divided by another valley, called by
Josephus the Tyropoeon Valley, now in great part filled up with debris,
which extended northwards from a point near the junction of the Valley
of Hinnom with the Kidron, and separated into two branches one
running west, the other north-west. "The ancient site thus consisted
of three principal hills, to east, north-west, and south-west, separated by
deep valleys^.'

i. All authorities agree in placing the Temple on the eastern hilH,
but where Zion should be fixed is a question hotly disputed.

(i) Since the fourth century it has been generally supposed that
Zion or the City of David (for the two are clearly identified in 2 Sam. v.
7 — 9) occupied the south-western hill, and was identical with what

* Jos. Ant VII. 13. I. "But when David desired to know the number of the
people, he forgot the commandment of Moses, who enjoined that if the people were
numbered half a shekel should be offered to God for each person."

* Ex. XXX. 12.

3 Warren's Tem/Ie or Tomb, p. 33.

* Marked 3 in the map of the Environs of Jerusalem.

240 APPENDIX.

Josephus calls the Upper City^" This view is maintained by Lieut.
Conder, who says^: "The southern, higher, and larger hill must be the
Upper City, the "Mountain Fort" of Zion : the knoll north of it is
Akra, the site of the lower city^."

(2) Captain Warren, whose excavations for the Palestine Exploration
Fund have brought to light much valuable information, places Zion on
the north-western hill, where stood the "Lower City" or "Akra" of
Josephus. The hill was originally considerably higher, but was cut down
by Simon Maccabeus, when he took it from the Macedonians, because
it commanded the Temple, and had afforded the enemy a post of vantage
from which to annoy the Jews as they went to the Temple'*.

(3) Mr Fergusson (in Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, i. 1026) main-
tains that the evidence of the O. T. distinctly leads to the identification
of Zion with the eastern hill, on which the Temple stood. Zion, he
says, is constantly spoken of as in some way distinct from Jerusalem^:
it is spoken of as a Holy Place in terms such as are never applied to
Jerusalem, but are easily intelligible if Zion was the hill upon which
the Temple stood. Thus it is called "the hill of the Lord;" "the
holy hill; "the dwelling-place of Jehovah s." And in the First Book
of Maccabees the name Mount Sion is unquestionably applied to the
hill upon which the Temple stood. For example, we read: "Then
said Judas and his brethren:... let us go up to cleanse and dedicate the
Sanctuary. Upon this all the host assembled themselves together, and
went up into Mount Sion. And when they saw the Sanctuary desolate,
and the altar profaned... they rent their clothes''." According to this
view the fortress captured by David occupied the northern part of the
ridge, on which the Temple was afterwards built.

None of these theories is free from serious difficulties, and a discussion
of the arguments would exceed the limits of our space. The following
points may however be noticed.

{a) The site of the Temple was outside the limits of the City of
David. This is clear from the statement in i Kings viii. i, that the Ark
was brought up to the Temple out of the City of David ; and from
the fact that Araunah's threshing floor cannot have been inside the
walls, but must have been on the bare unoccupied hill outside.

{b) The sanctity of Zion may be accounted for by the fact that it
was for many years the resting-place of the Ark, and was celebrated as
such by David in his Psalms. The name of Zion thus became the title
for Jerusalem in its quality of a holy city, and on the Return from the
Captivity the name may have been applied to the most sacred part of
it, the Temple Mount, although this was not the original Zion.

ii. The Temple undoubtedly stood on the eastern hill, called, in one
passage only, Mount Moriah (2 Chr. iii. i), where the threshingfloor of

^ Marked i in the map.

2 Tent IVork in Palestine, I. 366.

•' Marked 2 in the map.

*■ Jo<;. Ant. XIII. 6. 6.

•"' 2 Kings xix. 31 ; Ps. li. 18; Is. xxx. 19.

*> See Ps. ii. 6, ix. 11, xxiv. 3, cxxxii. 13, &C.

' I Mace. iv. 36 — 38. Cp. I Mace. iv. 60, vii. 33.

APPENDIX.

241

Araunah had previously been. The top of this hill has been artificially
levelled, and its sides sustained by immense walls. On the platform
thus constructed the Temple stood, but whether in the centre as
Captain Warren maintains, or at the south-west angle, as Mr Fergusson
supposes, is a disputed question, on which it is not necessary to enter
here.

iii. The Millo — the word always has the definite article — appears to
have been some important fortification already in existence. It may
have protected the city on the north, the only side on which it had not
the defence of precipitous ravines. Solomon rebuilt it (i Kings ix.
15, 24, xi. 27), and Hezekiah repaired it as a defence against the
Assyrians {2 Chr. xxxii. 5). Millo may have been an old Canaanite
name : the only other place in which it occurs is in connexion with the
ancient Canaanite city of Shechem (Jud. ix. 6, 20). The Sept. renders
Millo by 77 dicpa "the citadel" (except in 2 Chr.), and this is the term
constantly used in the books of Maccabees for the fortress which was
occupied by the Macedonians, and at last captured and razed by Simon
Maccabceus.

II. SAMUEL 16

INDEX.

Words explained and modern names of places are printed in Italics.
The references are in all cases to pages.

Abel-beth-Maachah, i88

Abel-meholah, 194

Abiathar, iii, 155, 178

Abigal, 168

Abimelech, 125

Abishai, 63, 160, 180, 218

Abner, 59 ff; relationship to Saul, 59;
mainstay of Saul's family, 67 ; kills
Asahel, 63 ; negotiations with David,
69; great influence, 71; murdered by
Joab, 72 ; David's lament for, 74

Absalom, meaning of name, 66 ; murder
of Amnon, 138; flight, 139; David's
feelings towards, 141 ; recall, 146 ; per-
son and family, 147
his rebeUion, 148 ff; choice of Hebron
as its centre, 151 ; reasons for its tem-
porary success, 36 ; its progress, 168 ;
suppression, 169!?.; death, 171 ; monu-
ment, 173; David's grief for, 176

Adonai, loi

Adonijah, 67

Adoram, 191

Adullam, 86, 217

adultery, punishable with death, 122,
130

advise, 228

Ahimaaz, 158, 166, 174 ff.

Ahimelech, in

Ahithophel, supposed relationship to
Bath-sheba, 122; joins Absalom, 151;
type of Judas, 151; counsel of, 162;
suicide, 167

Ahohite, 215

A in Arik, 157

Aift Sareh, 72

Almlt, 70, 166

Amasa, relationship to David, 168; joins
Absalom, 168 ; made general in place
of Joab, 179; murdered by Joab, 186

ambassadors, insults to, 116

Avunan, 132

Ammiei, meaning of, 122

Ammonites, war with the, ii4ff.

Amnon, David's eldest son, 66 ; his out-

rpge, 134; weak treatment of by his
father, 138; death, 139; evil effects
of David's example on, 27, 129

Amorites, 192

Anata, 220

Anathoth, 220

angels, ministry of, 229

anointing of David, thrice repeated, 58

anointing, use of in the East, 131

Ara'ar, 225

Arab, 222

Arabah, 65, 78

Aramaisms, 12

Araunah, 229 ff. ; various forms of the
name, 229

Archite, 157

ark, brought up to Zion, 89 ff. ; Psalms
written for the occasion, 46 ; length of
itsstayatKirjath-jearim, gi ; symbol of
God's presence, 92, 94, 123; reverence
due to, 92; taken to war, 123; David
refuses to take with him into exile, 155

armlets, worn by men, 51

Aroer, 225

Asahel, 63

Askelon, 54

atonement, 192

Augustine, quoted, 121, 129

haal, altered to boshetk in proper names,
59, 77, 125

Baale of Judah, 89

Baal-hazor, 138

Baal-perazim, 87

Bahurim, 70, 166

barbarities committed by David, how to
be regarded, 134

Barzillai, 169, 182

Bath-sheba, 122, 126; supposed relation-
ship to Ahithophel, 122; her children,
85

bear, 164

beard. Oriental regard for, 116, 18 1

Beeroth, 76

Benaiah, 218

'■U

INDEX.

Berites, 189

Berothai, 108

Betah, 107

Beth-lehem, well of, 217

Beth-pelet, 220

Beth-rehob, 116

Beth-shan, 195

birds of prey, 194

Bireh, 76

Bithron, 65

blood-guiltiness, curse of, 73, 79, 192

blood-revenge for murder, 143

bosheth = ^7im&, substituted for laal in

proper names, 59, 77, 125
brass, 108
brick-kiln, causing to pass through the,

butter, 169

Canaanites still left in Palestine, 81, 226

captains, 215

Cari, 191

Carlyle, on David's character, quoted, 41

Carmel, 222

cedar wood, 85

census tax, 239

Cherethites and Pelethites, iii, 191

cherubim, 202

chief r tiler, 112

Chileab, 66

Chimham, 183

chozeh = s&er, 227

Christ, types of; the kings of Israel, 42 ;
David, 44 ; lives of O. T. saints, 44

Chronicles, book of, its relation to Sa-
muel, 22 — 25 ; omissions in, 22 ; addi-
tions in, 23 ; sections of, contained in
Samuel, 22; date, 24; object, 24; au-
thor, 24 ; sources, 25 ; priestly character,
24

differences between Chron. and Sa-
muel, 83, 117, 223, and notes generally

Chronicles of David, 12

chronology of 2 Samuel, 25

Cid, inscription on tomb of the, 56

city of David, 82, 239

civil organization of David's reign, 38

coasts, 193

coat, 157

coat of many colours, 137

companions, danger of bad, 135

congregation of Israel, 80

cornet, 91

Cushi, 174

cymbals, 91

d and r, confusion of in Hebrew, 105

Damascus, connexion of with Israel, 106

dances, religious, 94

Dan-jaan, 226

David : life and character of, 32 — 41 ;
early training, 32 ; difficulties of his
posilfon, 32 ; qualifications for ruling,

33, 208; periods of reign, 33; thrice
anointed, 58 ; family, 66, 85
reign at Hebron, 34, 57 ff ; message to
the Gileadites, 58 ; war with Ish-
bosheth, 59 ff; negotiations with Ab-
ner, 69 ; demand for restoration of
Michal, 69 ; lament for Abner, 74 ;
punishment of Ish-bosheth's mur-
derers, 78

reign at Jerusalem, 34, 79 ff; capture of
Jebus, 81 ; palace, 84; wars, 35 ; with
Philistines, 86, 104, 215 ; Moabites, 104,
218; Syrians, 105; Edom, 109 ; Ammo-
nites and Syrians, 114 ff; capture of
Rabbah, 132

kindness to Mephlbosheth, 112; burial
of the bones of Saul and his sons, 19^
translation of the ark to Zion, 35, 88ff;
desire to build a Temple, 35, 97 ; why
not allowed, 97 ; promise of perpetual
dominion to his house, 97 ff
his fall, 36, 121 ff ; why not mentioned
in Chronicles, 24 ; confession and re-
pentance, 129 ; punishment, 129, 130
flight from Absalom, 152 ff; fullaccount
of day of, 152; mourning for Absalom,
176; restoration, 178 ff; not guilty of
neglecting his duties, 36, 149 ; reasons
for temporary success of Absalom's
rebellion, 36, 151

numbering of the people, 223, 238 ; the
plague, 228, 238

organization of kingdom, military, 37;
civil, 38 ; religious, 39 ; administration
and officers, no, 193; corps of mighty
men, 153 .

general prosperity of end of his reign,

37

results of his reign, 39
character, 40; breadth of sympathy, 44 ;
generosity to enemies, 53; impetuous-
ness, 159 ; power of inspiring enthu-
siasm, 217; sincerity of repentance,
129, 227 ; cruelties not to be judged bj-
a Christian standard, 134
prophet, 44 ; priest, 43, 94
Psalm of thanksgiving, iggff
Last Words, 211 ff

Psalms illustrative of his reign, 45 — 4S
typical significance of his reign and
life, 42 — 45, no
David a name for the Messiah, 44

deal, 95

de7nand, 123

discoinfit, 203

discover, 203

Dodo, 215

dogs in the East, 68

Dryden's Absalom and Achithophel,
149

Edom, conquest of, 109
Eglah. 67
£/=God, 207

INDEX.

!45

elders, 70, 80, 164, 178

Elhanan, 197
„ 220

Eliam, father of Bath-sheba, 122 ; son of
Ahithophel, 222 ; theory of their iden-
tity, 122; meaning of name, 122

Elohim = God, 207

En-rogel, 166

entertainment at the king's table, 113

Ephraim, wood of, 170

Erma, 90

Esh-baal, original name of Ish-bosheth, 59

execution of Saul's sons, 193; difficulties
of discussed, 234

falsehoods, how regarded by Scripture,

157, 167
famines in Palestme, 191
fasting, a sign of mourning, 51, 75
feed, lit. shepherd, 80, 98
Fe7-ata, 221
fet, 113

fetch a compass, 87
ffth rib, 64
fool, 74, 136
foreigners in David's service, iii, 152,

Gaash, 221

Gad: chronicler of David's reign, 10, it;
sent to offer David choice of punish-
ments, 227

garment of divers colo7irs, 137

garrisons, 107

gate of palace or city as place of audi-
ence, 149, 17S

Oath, 1^4, 105

Geba, 88

generally, 164

Geshur, 66

Geshurites, 60

Gezer, 88

Gibborim, 152

Gibeon, 61, 88; pool of, 61

Gibeonites, murder of, 76, 192, 234

Gilead, 59

Giloh, 151

Gittaim, 76

Gittite = of Gath-rimmon, 93

Gittites, 152

Gob, 197

God, when printed in capitals in E. V.,
loi ; different Hebrew words for, 207;
vindicates His holiness, 92; in what
sense said to command or incite to
evil actions, 161, 223; description of
His advent, 201 ; law of His dealings
with men, 205; life an essential at-
tribute of, 210; vengeance His pre-
rogative, 210; repentance of, 229;
power of life and death over His
creatures, 235

Cod of Jacob, 212

Hadadezer, 105, 119 ff.

Hadarezer, 105, 119 ff.

hair, worn long by men in the East, 147

Hamath, 108

Hanun, 115

Haphtarah, 89, 198

Harapha in Samson Agonites, 196

Harod, 220

harp, 91

heathen, to be brought to knowledge of
Jehovah, 211

Hebrew narrative, peculiarities of, 77,
141, 26

Hebrew MSS., 14

Hebrew text of Samuel, 16, 235; ap-
parent errors of, 60, 66, 88, 90, 91, 100,
103, 109, III, 114, 119, 137, 150, 178,
197, 215, 221, 225

confusion of similar letters in, 105,
202, 220, 222

comparison of text of ch. xxii. and
Ps. xviii., 235

Hebron, why chosen by David for
capital, 57; why chosen by Absalom
for centre of his rebellion, 151

Helam, 119

Heleb, 222

Helez, 220

Helkath-hazzurim, 62

hell, 200

Hezrai, 222

Hierarchy, period of the, 30

high places, worship at, 157

high-priesthood, reasons for double, 89

Hiram, 84

Hivites, 226

horn, symbol of strength, 199

household, arrangements of the royal,

134

Hushah, 220

Hushai, 157 ; the king's friend, 158 ; mora-
lity of his conduct, 157 ; defeats Ahi-
thophel's counsel, 165

Igal, 222

imagery of Psalms derived from events in
David's life, 199

Incarnation, O. T. preparation for the,
28

inquire of the Lord, 57

intreated, to be, 195

irreverence, penalty of, 92

Ishbi-benob, 196

Ish-bosheth: name changed from Esh-
baal, 59; length of his reign, 60;
character, 67 ; death, 76

Israel and Judah, early tendency to
separation between, 13, 123 ; jealousies
of, 184 ; early use of the double name,
224

Israel, epochs in the history of, {a)
Theocracy, 29, ((^) Monarchy, 30, (t)
Hierarchy, 30; congregation of, 80;

246

INDEX.

elders of, So ; limited nature of mon-
archy in, 80; holiness of, 136

-Israel, in what sense used of Absalom's
supporters, 162

Ithra, 108

Ithrite, 222

Ittai, 153

Jabesh-Gilead, 58, 195

Jacob, God of , 212

Jashar, Book of, 53

Jashobeam, 215

Jazer, 225

Jebus, 81

Jedidiah, 132

Jehovah, when represented by God in
E. v., loi

Jerome, translator of the Vulgate, 16;
quoted, 67, 133, 197, 229

Jerubbesheth, 125

Jerusalem : religious as well as political
centre, 35 ; early history, 82 ; reasons
for choice of as capital, 82; the habita-
tion of Jehovah, 155; topography, 239

Jezreel of Judah, 57

El-jib, 61

Joab : life and character of, 61 ; murder
of Abner, 72 ; hardheartedness, 75 ;
stratagem to procure Absalom's re-
call, 141 ; service to David, 75, 177 ;
sagacity, 224

Jonadab, 135

Jonathan : David's lamentation for, 53 ff;
supposed to have been called "the
Gazelle," 54; David's oath to, 112, 193

Jonathan, son of Shimea, 198

Joseph, house of, 180
„ birthright of, 185

Josephus quoted, 84, 239

Judas, Ahithophel a type of, 151

Judges, period of the, its character, 29;
reference to history of, 125

Kabzeel, 218

Kefr Haris, 221

Kidron, ravine of, 154

/^//i'<^«r= plain, 174

Kings of Israel: typical of Christ, 42,
43 ; sacredness of person, 52 ; limita-
tion of power, 80; special guilt of curs-
ing, t8o

king's/riend, the, 158

Kirjath-jearim, 90

Ktliibh, term explained, 15. See 106,
146, 156, 160, 161, 172, 191, 211, 215,
218, 222

Kurmul, 222

lame7itation, 53

lamp, metaphor of, 197, 206

el-Lejah, 66

levy, iQi

life, belief in a future, 131

Lo-debar, 113

Lord God, distinguished from Lord

God, ioi
Lord God, meaning of, loi

Maacah, kingdom of, 117
,, David's wife, 66

Maachathite, 222

Machir, 112

Mahanaim, 59, 168

Maharai, 220

Malcham, 133

Mebunnai, false reading for Sibbechai,
220

Medeba, 118

w/^« — citizens, 195

Mephibosheth, change of name, 77;
David's kindness to, 112, 193 ; meets
David, 181; not a traitor, 182

Merab, 194

Merib-baal, 77

Messiah, explanation of word, 42; ex-
pectation of, how developed by the
monarchy, 30 ; kings of Israel a type
of, 42 — 44; David a type of, 42 — 45;
called David, 44 ; blessings of his
advent, 213; characteristics of, 213;
Nathan's prophecy of, 99, 233

Metheg-ammah, 105

Michal, David's demand for restoration
of, 69 ; traditionally supposed to be
Eglah, 67 ; her pride rebuked, 95

mighty men, David's, 153

military organization of David's reign, 37

Millo, 83, 241

■mo, 85

Moabites, war with, 105 ; special reasons
for vengeance inflicted on, 105

Moloch, idol of the Ammonites, 133 ;
human sacrifices to, 134

monarchy, period of the, 30

monarchy, limitations of in Israel, 80

moral difficulties of the execution of
Saul's sons discussed, 234; of the
plague, 238

More, Sir Thomas, 96

Moriah, 229, 240

Morland, Sir Samuel, 157

most High, a title of God, 203

mourning, duration of, 126; signs of, 50,
SI, 75. 131. 137, 156, 181

in7clberry trees, 87

mules, use of, 139, 171

murder, blood-revenge for, 143; money
compensation for, 193; abiding guilt
of, 79, 234

music at feasts, 183

Naharai, 222
Nahash, 168

,, the Ammonite, 115
Name of God, 100
Name, the = God, 90
Nathan, the prophet, 97; chronicler of
David's reign, 10, u, 152; his pro-

INDEX.

247

phecy, 97, 233 ; his parable, 127 ; Solo-
mon's tutor, 132

Nathan, son of David, 85

Netophah, 220

numbering of the people, 223 ff. ; motives
for discussed, 238; reasons why pun-
ished, 238

oak, 171

Obed-edom, 93

obeisance, 50

of—\\'\'Cn, 183

officers of state, 110, 191

Old Testament : Hebrew division of,
27 ; difference from secular histories,
27; record of preparation for the In-
carnation, 28 ; periods of history in,
28—32; contemplates admission of
Gentiles to blessings of salvation, 211;
text of, t6, 236. See also Hebrew text

Olives, mount of, 156

Olivet, 156

Oriental custom of kings murdering
their predecessor's family, 113, 177

Oman, 230

Paarai, 222

parables of O. T., 127

paronomasia, 201

Pelonite, 220

people=2xm.y, 52

people, the special term for David's fol-
lowers in Absalom's rebellion, 162

Phihstines, wars with, 86, 104, 196, 215 ff.

Pirathon, 221

plague, the, 228; reasons for discussed,
238

p]am=Ardbd/i, 65, 78

plain = kiiA-ar, 174

/oil, 147

polygamy, 67, 36

population of Palestine, 227

prevent, 204

pride, sin of, 238 ; Michal's, rebuked by
David, 96

promise of dominion to David, subse-
quent references to in O. T., 234

prophets, the national historians, 10, 11 ;
see Gad, Nat/ian; courage of, 128

prophetic order, founded by Samuel, 31

prostration before the king, 143

Psalms illustrative of David's reign, 45 —
48; referred to, xxx., 85; Ix., 109;
xxix., 201

Psalter, influence of on development of
religion in Israel, 31 ; David's share of,
40

psaltery, 91

Qri, term explained, 15. See 106, 146,
156, 160, 161, 172, 191, 211, 218

Rabbah, history of, 120; capture of, 132
er-Rabijeh, 222

rain, symbolic significance of, 213; effects
of in Palestine, 213

Raphah, 196

recorder, no

Red Sea, reference to passage of, 203

religious organization of David's reign, 39

repentance, David's history an encourage-
ment to, 121

repentance, God's, 229

Rephaim, valley of, 86, 217

reverence, Uzzah's death intended to
teach, 92

righteousness, in what sense claimed by
David, 204

river, the = Euphrates, 106

Rizpah, 68, 194

rock, a title of God, 199

roe, 63

rdeh- sQ^r, 227

roofs. Oriental use of, 121

room, 179

Ruhaibeh, 117

sackcloth, 74

Salt, valley of, 109

Samuel: not mentioned in this book, 10;
why this book is called by his name,
10; his work, 29 ff.

Samuel, Books of: originally one, 9;
title in LXX and Vulgate, 9; meaning
of title, 9; author, 10; sources, 10 —
12; date, 12; canonicity, 13; his-
torical accuracy, 14; materials for de-
termining the text, 14 — 17

analysis of contents, 17 — 2 r ; not chro-
nologically arranged, 84, 97; relation
to Chronicles, 22 — 25; sections con-
tained in Chronicles, 22 ; prophetic cha-
racter, 24; chronology, 25 — 27; place
in the history of the kingdom of God,
27 — 32; references to in N. T., 14

Satan, agency of in temptation, 223

Saul: death scene of, 50; two accounts
of his death, 52 ; David's lament for,
53 ; massacre of the Gibeonites, 192 ;
burial of his bones, 195; execution of
his sons, 191 ff. ; its moral difficulty
discussed, 234 ; perhaps referred to
by Shimei, 160

scribe, in

seer, 227

Selbit, 221

self-sacrifice, examples of, 176, 217

servant of Jehovah, 44, 98

Septuagint: date and character of, 15;
MSS., 15 ; value and interest, 16

variations from Heb. text, 66, 77, 83,
88, 90, 91, 93, 100, 103, 107, 108, 109,
114, 126, 138, 139, 140, 147, 148, 153,
154, 163, 164, 165, i6g, 172, 178, 181,
182, 190, 196, 197, 218, 219, 225, 226,
228, and notes generally

additions bearing on date of book,
13

248

INDEX.

Shaalabbin, 221
Shammah, 216, 221

,, 220

"Sheba's rebellion, 185 ff.
shepherd ■=-x\x\&r, first used of David, 80
Shimei, 159, 179
Shobi, 169
Sibbechai, 197, 220
siege mounds, 189
sin. Scripture treatment of, 121
Sinai, reference to Theophany at, 201
Sirah, well of, 72
Solomon, youngest son of David, 26, 85 ;

birth of, 131; meaning of name, 132;

brought up by Nathan, 132
son of Jehovah, a title of the king, 43,

100
stablish, 100
strake, 130, 188
Siibliine Porte, 149
symbolism, characteristics of Hebrew,

201
Syrians, 106 ff., 114 ff
es Sztr, 225

tabernacle, left at Gibeon, 89

Tacitus quoted, 122, 136, 165

Tahtim-hodshi, 225

Talmai, 66

Tamar, 134

Tamar, Absalom's daughter, 147

Targura of Jonathan, 16; specimen of,

237; quoted, 69, 87, 169, 189, 194,

197, 229
Tekoa, 142
Tell-Asur, 138
Tell Jezar, 88
temple, lessons conveyed by, 31 ; David's

desire to build, 97; why not permitted,

97; his preparations for, 37, 39; site

of, 240
temptation, in what sense from God,

223
/^«:?=home, 186
terebinth, 171

Testament, Old; see Old Tcsiament.
Thebez, 125

Theocracy, period of the, 29
theocratic king, 42

theophany, description of a, 201

thirty, age of, 81

threshing-sledges, 133, 231

timbrel, gi

Tob, 117

Toi or Tou, 108

topography of Jerusalem, 239

tretick, 189

tribes, supremacy of different at different
times, 98

tribute , 19 r

tribute paid to David, 105

Tubas, 126

typical, meaning of, 42; kings of Israel
and David how typical of Christ, 42 —
44; Ahithophel typical of Judas, 151

Tyre, 84, 226

Um7n Toia, 220

uncircumcised, standing epithet of Phi-
listines, 54
iincover the ear, 104
upright, 205
Uriah, 122 ff., 222
Uzzah, 91 ff

versions of the O. T. : Septuagint, 15 ;

Targum, 16; Vulgate, 16
victory, 176
vision, 101
visitation of sins of fathers on children,

235
Vulgate, 16; referred to, 83, 127, 138,

141, 148, 153, 154, 165, 196, 218, 226

wench, 166

Zadok, no, 155, 178

Zelah, 195

Zelek, 222

Zeruiah, sons of, 63; how related to

David, 168; name of her husband, 65
Ziba, 112 ff . ; calumniates Mephibosheth,
^.159, 179
Zidon, 226
Ziklag, 49

Zion, capture of, 82 ; site of, 239
Zobah, 105

CAMBRIDGE;

TRINTED BY C. J. CLAY, M.A. AND SONS, AT THE UNIVERSITY I'KE.SS.

THE CAMBRIDGE BIBLE FOR
SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES.

General Editor, The Very Rev. J. J. S. Perowne,
Dean of Peterborough.

<©pinionsi of tin ^re$£>*

"// /s dijjiatit to coniniend too highly this excellent series, the zolumcs
ofxvhich are noiv dccoming muneroiis." — Guardian.

^^The modesty of the general title of this series has, rue beliene, led
many to tnisiindcrstand its character a7id zi7idcrrate its vahie. The books
are xvcll suited for study in the upper forms of our best schools, but not
the less are they adapted to the wants of all Bible students who are not
specialists. We doubt, indeed, whether ajiy of the nutnerous popular
commentaries recently issued in this countiy zuill be found inord service-
able for general tise.''' — Academy,

" 0}te of the most popular and ttscful literary enterprises of the
nineteenth century^ — Baptist Magazine.

'' Of great value. The whole series of comments for schools is highly
esteemed by students capable of forming a judgment. The books aie
scholarly ivithout being pretentious : and i7iformation is so given as to be
easily understood.''^ — Sword and Trowel.

*' The value of the work as an aid to Biblical study, not merely in
schools but among people of all classes who are desirous to have intelligent
knowledge of the Scriptures, cannot easily be over-estifnated. "—Th.Q
Scotsman.

Tte Book of Judges. J. J. Lias, M.A. " His introduction is clear
and concise, full of the information which young students require, and
indicating the lines on which the various problems suggested by the
Book of Judges may be solved." — Baptist Magazine.

1 Samuel, by A. F. Kirkpatrick. "Remembering the interest
with which we read \.h.e. Books of tJie Kingdom when they were appointed
as a subject for school work in our boyhood, we have looked with some
eagerness into Mr Kirkpatrick's volume, which contains the first instal-
ment of them. We are struck with the great improvement in character,
and variety in the materials, with which schools are now supplied. A
clear map inserted in each volume, notes suiting the convenience of the
scholar and the difficulty of the passage, and not merely dictated by the
fancy of the commentator, were luxuries which a quarter of a century
ago the Biblical student could not buy. " — Church Quarterly Review.

"To the valuable series of Scriptural expositions and elementary
commentaries which is being issued at the Cambridge University Press,
under the title 'The Cambridge Bible for Schools,' has been added
The First Book of Samuel by the Rev. A. F. Kirkpatrick. Like
other volumes of the series, it contains a carefully written historical and
critical introduction, while the text is profusely illustrated and explained
by notes." — The Scotsinan.

20,000

s/Ws"?

2 CAMBRIDGE BIBLE FOR SCHOOLS & COLLEGES.

"To the volume on I. Samuel we give our very warm commenda-
tion. It is designed, not for teachers, but for learners, and especially
for young men in schools and colleges. " — Alethodist Recorder.

II. Samuel. A. F. Kirkpatrick, M.A. "Small as this work is
in mere dimensions, it is every way the best on its subject and for its
purpose that we know of. The opening sections at once prove the
thorough competence of the writer for dealing with questions of criti-
cism in an earnest, faithful and devout spirit ; and the appendices discuss
a few special difficulties with a full knowledge of the data, and a judicial
reserve, which contrast most favourably with the superficial dogmatism
which has too often made the exegesis of the Old Testament a field for
the play of unlimited paradox and the ostentation of personal infalli-
bility. The notes are always clear and suggestive; never trifling or
irrelevant ; and they everywhere demonstrate the great difference in
value between the work of a commentator who is also a Hebraist, and
that of one who has to depend for his Hebrew upon secondhand
sources. " — Academy,

"The Rev. A. F. Kirkpatrick has now completed his commentary
on the two books of Samuel. This second volume, like the first, is
furnished with a scholarly and carefully prepared critical and historical
introduction, and the notes supply everything necessary to enable the
merely English scholar — so far as is possible for one ignorant of the
original language — to gather up the precise meaning of the text. Even
Hebrew scholars may consult this small volume with profit." — Scotsman.

I. Kings and Ephesians. " With great heartiness we commend
these most valuable little commentaries. We had rather purchase
these than nine out of ten of the big blown up expositions. Quality is
far better than quantity, and we have it here." — Sword and Trowel.

I. Kings. " This is really admirably well done, and from first to
last there is nothing but commendation to give to such honest work." —
Bookseller.

II. Kings. "The Introduction is scholarly and wholly admirable,
while the notes must be of incalculable value to students." — Glasgow
Herald.

"It is equipped with a valuable introduction and commentary, and
makes an admirable text book for Bible-classes." — Scotsman.

The Book of Job. "Able and scholarly as the Introduction is, it is
far surpassed by the detailed exegesis of the book. In this Dr Davidson's
strength is at its greatest. His linguistic knowledge, his artistic habit,
his scientific insight, and his literary power have full scope when he
comes to exegesis. ...The book is worthy of the reputation of Dr Davidson;
it represents the results of many years of labour, and it will greatly help
to the right understanding of one of the greatest works in the literature
of the world," — The Spectator.

" In the course of a long introduction, Dr Davidson has presented
us with a very able and very interesting criticism of this wonderful
book. Its contents, the nature of its composition, its idea and purpose,
its integrity, and its age are all exhaustively treated of.... We have not
space to examine fully the text and notes before us, but we can, and do
heartily, recommend the book, not only for the upper forms in schools,
but to Bible students and teachers generally. As we wrote of a previous
volume in the same series, this one leaves nothing to be desired. The

OPINIONS OF THE PRESS.

notes are full and suggestive, without being too long, and, in itself, the
introduction forms a valuable addition to modern Bible literature." — The
Educational Titnes.

"Already we have frequently called attention to this exceedingly
valuable work as its volumes have successively appeared. But we have
never done so with greater pleasure, very seldom with so great pleasure,
as wt now refer to the last published volume, that on the Book of Job,
by Dr Davidson, of Edinburgh.... We cordially commend the volume to
all our readers. The least instructed will understand and enjoy it ;
and mature scholars will learn from it." — Methodist Recorder.

Job — Hosea. " It is difficult to commend too highly this excellent
series, the volumes of which are now becoming numerous. The two
books before us, small as they are in size, comprise almost everything
that the young student can reasonably expect to find in the way of helps
towards such general knowledge of their subjects as may be gained
without an attempt to grapple with the Hebrew ; and even the learned
scholar can hardly read without interest and benefit the very able intro-
ductory matter which both these commentators have prefixed to their
volumes. It is not too much to say that these works have brought
within the reach of the ordinary reader resources which were until
lately quite unknown for understanding some of the most difficult and
obscure portions of Old Testament literature." — Guardian,

Ecclesiastes ; or, the Preaclier. — "Of the Notes, it is sufficient to
say that they are in every respect worthy of Dr Plumptre's high repu-
tation as a scholar and a critic, being at once learned, sensible, and
practical. . . . An appendix, in which it is clearly proved that the
author of Ecclesiastes anticipated Shakspeare and Tennyson in some
of their finest thoughts and reflections, will be read with interest by
students both of Hebrew and of English literature. Commentaries are
seldom attractive reading. This little volume is a notable exception." —
The Scotsman.

"In short, this little book is of far greater value than most of the
larger and more elaborate commentaries on this Scripture. Indispens-
able to the scholar, it will render real and large help to all who have to
expound the dramatic utterances of The Preacher whether in the Church
or in the School." — The Expositor.

"The '•ideal biography' of the author is one of the most exquisite
and fascinating pieces of writing we have met with, and, granting its
starting-point, throws wonderful light on many problems connected with
the book. The notes illustrating the text are full of delicate criticism,
fine glowing insight, and apt historical allusion. An abler volume
than Professor Plumptre's we could not desire." — Baptist Magazine.

Jeremiah, by A. W. Streane. "The arrangement of the book is
well treated on pp. xxx., 396, and the question of Baruch's relations
with its composition on pp. xxvii., xxxiv., 317. The illustrations from
English literature, history, monuments, works on botany, topography,
etc., are good and plentiful, as indeed they are in other volumes of this
series." — Church Quarterly Review, April, i88i.

" Mr Streane's Jeremiah consists of a series of admirable and well-
nigh exhaustive notes on the text, with introduction and appendices,
drawing the life, times, and character of the prophet, the style, contents.

4 CAMBRIDGE BIBLE FOR SCHOOLS & COLLEGES.

and arrangement of his prophecies, the traditions relating to Jeremiah,
meant as a type of Christ (a most remarkable chapter), and other
prophecies relating to Jeremiah." — The English Chiirchjiian and Clerical
Journal.

Obadiah and Jonah. " This number of the admirable series of
Scriptural expositions issued by the Syndics of the Cambridge Uni-
versity Press is well up to the mark. The numerous notes are
excellent. No difficulty is shirked, and much light is thrown on the
contents both of Obadiah and Jonah. Scholars and students of to-day
are to be congratulated on having so large an amount of information on
Biblical subjects, so clearly and ably put together, placed within their
reach in such small bulk. To all Biblical students the series will be
acceptable, and for the use of Sabbath-school teachers will prove
invaluable." — North British Daily Mail.

" It is a very useful and sensible exposition of these two Minor
Prophets, and deals very thoroughly and honestly with the immense
difficulties of the later-named of the two, from the orthodox point of
view.' ' — Expositor.

" Haggai and Zechariali. This interesting little volume is of great
value. It is one of the best books in that well-known series of
scholarly and popular commentaries, ' the Cambridge Bible for Schools
and Colleges ' of which Dean Perowne is the General Editor. In the
expositions of Archdeacon Perowne we are always sure to notice
learning, ability, . judgment and reverence .... The notes are terse
and pointed, but full and reliable." — Churchman.

" The Gospel according to St Matthew, by the Rev. A. Carr. The
introduction is able, scholarly, and eminently practical, as it bears
on the authorship and contents of the Gospel, and the original form
in which it is supposed to have been written. It is well illustrated by
two excellent maps of the Holy Land and of the Sea of Galilee." —
English Churchman.

*'St Matthew, edited by A. Carr, M.A. The Book of Joshua,
edited by G. F. Maclear, D.D, The General Epistle of St James,
edited by E. H. Plumptre, D.D. The introductions and notes are
scholarly, and generally such as young readers need and can appre-
ciate. The maps in both Joshua and Matthew are very good, and all
matters of editing are faultless. Professor Plumptre's notes on 'The
Epistle of St James' are models of terse, exact, and elegant renderings
of the original, which is too often obscured in the authorised version." —
Nonconfor7nist.

"St Mark, with Notes by the Rev. G. F. Maclear, D.D. Into
this small volume Dr Maclear, besides a clear and able Introduc-
tion to the Gospel, and the text of St Mark, has compressed many
hundreds of valuable and helpful notes. In short, he has given us
a capital manual of the kind required — containing all that is needed to
illustrate the text, i.e. all that can be drawn from the history, geography,
customs, and manners of the time. But as a handbook, giving in a
clear and succinct form the information which a lad requires in order

to stand an examination in the Gospel, it is admirable I can very

heartily commend it, not only to the senior boys and girls in our Pligh
Schools, but also to Sunday-school teachers, who may get from it the
very kind of knowledge they often fmd it hardest to get. " — Expositor.

OPINIONS OF THE PRESS.

" With the help of a book like this, an intelligent teacher may make
•Divinity' as interesting a lesson as any in the school course. The
notes are of a kind that will be, for the most part, intelligible to boys
of the lower forms of our public schools ; but they may be read with
greater profit by the fifth and sixth, in conjunction with the original
text." — The Academy.

** St Luke. Canon Farrar has supplied students of the Gospel
with an admirable manual in this volume. It has all that copious
variety of illustration, ingenuity of suggestion, and general soundness of
interpretation which readers are accustomed to expect from the learned
and eloquent editor. Any one who has been accustomed to associate
the idea of 'dryness' with a commentary, should go to Canon Farrar's
St Luke for a more correct impression. He will find that a commen-
tary may be made interesting in the highest degree, and that without
losing anything of its solid value. . . . But, so to speak, it is too good
for some of the readers for whom it is intended." — The Spectator.

"Canon Farrar's contribution to The Cambridge School Bible
is one of the most valuable yet made. His annotations on The Gospel
according to St Luke, while they display a scholarship at least as sound,
and an erudition at least as wide and varied as those of the editors of
St Matthew and St Mark, are rendered telling and attractive by a
more lively imagination, a keener intellectual and spiritual insight, a
more incisive and picturesque style. His St Ltike is worthy to be ranked
with Professor Plumptre's St James, than which no higher commend-
ation can well be given." — The Expositor.

"St Luke. Edited by Canon Farrar, D.D. We have received with
pleasure this edition of the Gospel by St Luke, by Canon Farrar. It is
another instalment of the best school commentary of the Bible we pos-
sess. Of the expository part of the work we cannot speak too highly.
It is admirable in every way, and contains just the sort of informa-
tion needed for Students of the English text unable to make use of the
original Greek for themselves." — The N'oiiconformist and Independejit.

**As a handbook to the third gospel, this small work is invaluable.
The author has compressed into little space a vast mass of scholarly in-
formation. . . The notes are pithy, vigorous, and suggestive, abounding
in pertinent illustrations from general literature, and aiding the youngest
reader to an intelligent appreciation of the text. A finer contribution to
'The Cambridge Bible for Schools' has not yet been made." — Baptist
Magazine.

"We were quite prepared to find in Canon Farrar's St Luke a
masterpiece of 13iblical criticism and comment, and we are not dis-
appointed by our examination of the volume before us. It reflects very
faithfully the learning and critical insight of the Canon's greatest works,
his 'Life of Christ' and his 'Life of St Paul', but differs widely from
both in the terseness and condensation of its style. What Canon Farrar
has evidently aimed at is to place before students as much information
as possible within the limits of the smallest possible space, and
in this aim he has hit the mark to perfection." — The Examiner.

6 CAMBRIDGE BIBLE FOR SCHOOLS & COLLEGES.

The Gospel according to St John. " Of the notes we can say with
confidence that they are useful, necessary, learned, and brief. To
Divinity students, to teachers, and for private use, this compact
Commentary will be found a valuable aid to the better understanding
of the Sacred Text." — School Giiaj-dian.

"The new volume of the 'Cambridge Bible for Schools' — the
Gospel according- to St John, by the Rev. A. Plummer— shows as
careful and thorough work as either of its predecessors. The intro-
duction concisely yet fully describes the life of St John, the authenticity
of the Gospel, its characteristics, its relation to the Synoptic Gospels,
and to the Apostle's First Epistle, and the usual subjects referred to in
an 'introduction'." — The Christian Church.

"The notes are extremely scholarly and valuable, and in most cases
exhaustive, bringing to the elucidation of the text all that is best in
commentaries, ancient and modern." — The English Churchnan and
Clerical Journal.

"(i) The Acts of the Apostles. By J. Rawson Lumby, D.D.
(2) The Second Epistle of the Corinthians, edited by Professor Lias.
The introduction is pithy, and contains a mass of carefully-selected
information on the authorship of the Acts, its designs, and its sources.

The Second Epistle of the Corinthians is a manual beyond all praise,

for the excellence of its pithy and pointed annotations, its analysis of the
contents, and the fulness and value of its introduction." — Examiner.

"The concluding portion of the Acts of the Apostles, under the very
competent editorship of Dr Lumby, is a valuable addition to our
school-books on that subject. Detailed criticism is impossible within
the space at our command, but we may say that the ample notes touch
with much exactness the very points on which most readers of the text
desire information. Due reference is made, where necessary, to the
Revised Version; the maps are excellent; and we do not know of any
other volume where so much help is given to the complete understand-
ing of one of the most important and, in many respects, difficult books
of the New Testament." — School Guardian.

"The Rev. H. C G. Moule, M.A., has made a valuable addition
to The Cambridge Bible for Schools in his brief commentary on
the Epistle to the Romans. The "Notes" are very good, and lean,
as the notes of a School Bible should, to the most commonly ac-
cepted and orthodox view of the inspired author's meaning ; while the
Introduction, and especially the Sketch of the Life of St Paul, is a model
of condensation. It is as lively and pleasant to read as if two or three
facts had not been crowded into well-nigh every sentence." — Expositor.

"The Epistle to the Romans. It is seldom we have met with a
work so remarkable for the compression and condensation of all that
is valuable in the smallest possible space as in the volume before us.
"Within its limited pages we have *a sketch of the Life of St Paul,'
we have further a critical account of the date of the Epistle to the
Romans, of its language, and of its genuineness. The notes are
numerous, full of matter, to the point, and leave no real difficulty
or obscurity unexplained." — The Examiner.

OPINIONS OF THE PRESS.

•*The First Epistle to the Corinthians. Edited by Professor Lias.
Every fresh instalment of this annotated edition of the Bible for Schools
confirms the favourable opinion we formed of its value from the exami-
nation of its first number. The origin and plan of the Epistle are
discussed with its character and genuineness." — The Nonconformist.

"The Second Epistle to the Corinthians. By Professor Lias. The
General Epistles of St Peter and St Jude. By E. H. Plumptre, D.D.
We welcome these additions to the valuable series of the Cambridge
Bible. We have nothing to add to the commendation which we
have from the first publication given to this edition of the Bible. It is
enough to say that Professor Lias has completed his work on the two
Epistles to the Corinthians in the same admirable manner as at first.
Dr Plumptre has also completed the Catholic Epistles." — Nonconformist.

The Epistle to the Ephesians. By Rev. H. C. G. Moule, M.A.
" It seems to us the model of a School and College Commentary — ■
comprehensive, but not cumbersome; scholarly, but not pedantic." —
Baptist Magazijie.

Hebrews. " Like his (Cano i Farrar's) commentary on Luke it
possesses all the best characteristics of his writing. It is a work not
only of an accomplished scholar, but of a skilled teacher." — Baptist
Alagazine.

'' We heartily commend this volume of this excellent work." —
Su7iday School Chronicle.

**The General Epistle of St James, by Professor Plumptre, D.D.
Nevertheless it is, so far as I know, by far the best exposition of the
Epistle of St James in the English language. Not Schoolboys or
Students going in for an examination alone, but Ministers and Preachers
of the Word, may get more real help from it than from the most costly
and elaborate commentaries." — Expositor.

The Epistles of St John. By the Rev. A. Plummer, M.A., D.D.
"This forms an admirable companion to the 'Commentary on the
Gospel according to St John,' which was reviewed in The Chnrchman
as soon as it appeared. Dr Plummer has some of the highest qualifica-
tions for such a task ; and these two volumes, their size being considered,
will bear comparison with the best Commentaries of the lime." — The
Churchman.

" His small volume is, for all practical purposes, complete, both in
the Introduction and Notes. He is an accomplished scholar, a keen
dialectician, a sound critic, and a judicious expositor, in full sympathy,
also, with the utterances of the great Apostle of Love. Our space does
not admit us to enter into details, but the estimate we have expressed
is the result of a full and minute acquaintance with this delightful
little book." — The Baptist Magazine.

*' Dr Plummer's edition of the Epistles of St John is worthy of its
companions in the 'Cambridge Bible for Schools' Series. The
subject, though not apparently extensive, is really one not easy to
treat, and requiring to be treated at length, owing to the constant
reference to obscure heresies in the Johannine writings. Dr Plummer
has done his exegctical task well." — The Saturday Review.

GREEK TESTAMENT.

THE CAMBRIDGE GREEK TESTAMENT

FOR SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES

with a Revised Text, based on the most recent critical authorities, and

English Notes, prepared under the dh-ection of the General Editor,
The Very Reverend J. J. S. PEROWNE, D.D.

St Matthew. *' Copious illustrations, gathered from a great variety
of sources, make his notes a very valuable aid to the student. They
are indeed remarkably interesting, while all explanations on meanings,
applications, and the like are distinguished by their lucidity and good
sense."— /'a// Mall Gazette.

St Mark. ' ' The Cambridge Greek Testament of which Dr Maclear's
edition of the Gospel according to St Mark is a volume, certainly
supplies a want. Without pretending to compete with the leading
commentaries, or to embody very much original research, it forms a
most satisfactory introduction to the study of the New Testament in
the original. ...Dr Maclear's introduction contains all that is known of
St Mark's life; an account of the circumstances in which the Gospel
was composed, with an estimate of the influence of St Peter's teaching
upon St Mark ; an excellent sketch of the special characteristics of this
Gospel ; an analysis, and a chapter on the text of the New Testament
generally. " — Saturday Review.

St Luke. "Of this second series we have a new volume by
Archdeacon Farrar on St Litke, completing the four Gospels. ...It
gives us in clear and beautiful language the best results of modern
scholarship. We have a most attractive Introduction. Then follows
a sort of composite Greek text, representing fairly and in very beautiful
type the consensus of modern textual critics. At the beginning of the
exposition of each chapter of the Gospel are a few short critical notes
giving the manuscript evidence for such various readings as seem to
deserve mention. The expository notes are short, but clear and helpful.
For young students and those who are not disposed to buy or to study
the much more costly work of Godet, this seems to us to be the best
book on the Greek Text of the Third Gospel."— Tl/i-Z/^ij^/j-/ Recorder.

St John. " We take this opportunity of recommending to ministers
on probation, the very excellent volume of the same series on this part
of the New Testament. We hope that most or all of our young ministers
will prefer to study the volume in the Cambridge Greek Testament for
Schools.^'' — Methodist Recorder.

The Acts of the Apostles. "Professor Lumby has performed his
laborious task M'ell, and supplied us with a commentary the fulness and
freshness of which Bible students will not be slow to appreciate. The
volume is enriched with the usual copious indexes and four coloured
maps." — Glasgow Herald.

I. Corinthians. "Mr Lias is no novice in New Testament exposi-
tion, and the present series of essays and notes is an able and helpful
addition to the existing books." — Guardian.

The Epistles of St John. "In the very useful and well annotated
series of the Cambridge Greek Testament the volume on the Epistles
of St John must hold a high position ...The notes are brief, well
informed and intelligent." — Scotsman.

CAMBRIDGE: PRINTED BY C. J CLAY, M.A. AND SONS, AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.

SOME PUBLICATIONS OF THE

CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS.

THE PITT PRESS SERIES.

I. GREEK.

Aristophanes. Aves— Plutus— Ranse. By W. C. Green,

M.A., late Assistant Master at Rugby School. 3^. 6d. each,

Aristotle. Outlines of the Philosophy of. Compiled by

Edwin Wallace, M.A., LL.D. Third Edition, Enlarged. 4^. td.

Euripides. Heracleidse. With Introduction and Critical Notes.

By E. A. Beck, M.A., Fellow of Trinity Hall. zs. td.

Euripides. Hercules Furens. With Introduction, Notes and

Analysis. By A. Gray, M.A., and J. T. Hutchinson, M.A. New Ed. is.

Herodotus, Book VIII., Chaps. 1—90. Edited with Notes and

Introduction. By E. S. Shuckburgh, M.A. 3J. dd.

Book IX., Chaps. 1—89. By the same Editor, y. 6d.

Homer. Odyssey, Book IX. With Introduction, Notes and

Appendices by G. M. Edwards, M.A. 2S. 6d.

Luciani Somnium Charon Piscator et De Luctu. By W. E.

Heitland, M.A., Fellow of St John's College, Cambridge, zs. 6d.

Platonis Apologia Socratis. With Introduction, Notes and

Appendices. By J. Adam, B.A. 3^. 6d.

Crito. With Introduction, Notes and Appendix. By

the same Editor. 2,?. 6d.

Plutarch. Lives of the Gracchi. With Introduction, Notes

and Lexicon by Rev. H. A, Holden, M.A., LL.D. 6s.

Life of Nicias. With Introduction and Notes by

the same Editor. 5^.

Life of Sulla. With Introduction, Notes, and

Lexicon. By the same Editor. 6s.

Sophocles. Oedipus Tyrannus. School Edition, with Intro-
duction and Commentary by R, C. Jebb, LittD., LL.D. 4J. 6d.

Xenophon. Agesilaus. By H. Hailstone, M.A., late Scholar

of Peterhouse, Cambridge. 2s. 6d.

Xenophon. Anabasis. With Introduction, Map and English

Notes, by A. Pretor, M.A. Two vols. 7^. 6d.

Books I. III. IV. and V. By the same. 2s. each.

Books n. VI. and VII. By the same. 2s. 6d. each.

Xenophon. Cyropaedeia. Books I. II. With Introduction

and Notes by Rev. H. A, Holden, M.A., LL.D. 2 vols. 6s.

Books III. IV. and V. By the same Editor. 5^.

London: Cambridge Warehouse^ Ave Maria Lane,

60/12/87

PUBLICATIONS OF

II. LATIN.

Beda's Ecclesiastical History, Books III., IV. Edited with

a life, Notes, Glossary, Onomasticon and Index, by J. E. B. Mayor, M.A., and
J. R. LuMBY, D-D. Revised Edition. 75. (yd.

Books I. II. By the same Editors. \In the Press.

Caesar. De Bello Gallico, Comment. I. With Maps and Notes

by A. G. Peskett, M.A., Fellow of Magdalene College, Cambridge. \s. td.

Comment. I. II. III. 3^-

Comment. IV. V., and Comment. VII. is. each.

Comment. VI. and Comment. VIII. \s. 6d. each.

Cicero. De Amicitia. Edited by J. S. Reid, Litt.D., Fellow

of Gonville and Caius College. Revised Edition, -^s. 6d.

Cicero. De Senectute. By the same Editor, y. 6d.
Cicero. In Gaium Verrem Actio Prima. With Notes, by

H. CowiE, M.A. IS. ed.

Cicero. In Q. Caecilium Divinatio et in C. Verrem Actio.

With Notes by W. E. Heitland, M.A., and H. Cowie, M.A. 3.?.

Cicero. Philippica Secunda. With Introduction and Notes by

A. G. Peskett, M.A. 3^. 6d.

Cicero. Oratio pro Archia Poeta. By J. S. Reid, Litt.D.

Revised Edition, zs.

Cicero. Pro L. Cornelio Balbo Oratio. By the same. is. 6d.
Cicero. Oratio pro Tito Annio Milone, with English Notes,

&c., by John Smyth Purton, B.D. 2s. 6d.

Cicero. Oratio pro L. Murena, with English Introduction

and Notes. By W. E. Heitland, M.A. 3^.

Cicero. Pro Cn. Plancio Oratio, by H. A. H olden, LL.D.

Second Edition, ^s. 6d.

Pro P. Cornelio Sulla Oratio. By J. S. Reid, Litt.D.

3J. 6d.

Cicero. Somnium Scipionis. With Introduction and Notes.

Edited by W. D. Pearman, M.A. 2J.

Horace. Epistles, Book I. With Notes and Introduction by

E. S. Shuckburgh, M.A., late Fellow of Emmanuel College, -zs. 6d.

Livy. Book XXL With Notes, Introduction and Maps. By

M. S. DiMSDALE, M.A., Fellow of King's College. 35. 6d.

Lucan. Pharsaliae Liber Primus, with English Introduction

and Notes by W. E. Heitland, M.A., and C. E. Haskins, M.A. is. 6d.

Ovidii Nasonis Fastorum Liber VI. With Notes by A.

SiDGWiCK, M.A., Tutor of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, is. 6d.

Quintus Curtius. A Portion of the History (Alexander in India).

By W. E. Heitland, M.A., and T. E. Raven, B.A. With Two Maps. 3^. 6d.

London: Cambridge Warehouse, Ave Maria Lane.

THE CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS. 3
Vergili Maronis Aeneidos Libri I.— XII. Edited with Notes

by A. SiDGWiCK, M.A. \s. 6d. each.

Bucolica. With Introduction and Notes by the same

Editor, ij. 6d.

Georgicon Libri I. II. By the same Editor. 2s.

Libri III. IV. By the same Editor. 2s.

III. FRENCH.

Comeille. La Suite du Menteur. A Comedy in Five Acts.

With Notes Philological and Historical, by G. Masson, B.A, 2s.

De Bonnechose. Lazare Hoche. With three Maps, Intro-
duction and Commentary, by C. Colbeck, M.A. 2S.

D'Harleville. Le Vieux C^libataire. A Comedy, Gram-
matical and Historical Notes, by G. Masson, B.A. zs.

De Lamartine. Jeanne D'Arc. Edited with a Map and

Notes Historical and Philological, and a Vocabulary, by Rev. A. C. Clapin,
M.A., St John's College, Cambridge. 2S.

De Vigny. La Canne de Jonc, Edited with Notes by

Rev. H. A. Bull, M.A., late Master at Wellington College, zs.

Erckmann-Chatrian. La Guerre. With Map, Introduction

and Commentary by Rev. A. C. Clapin, M.A. 35.

La Baronne de Stael-Holstein. Le Directoire. (Considera-
tions sur la Revolution Fran9aise. Troisieme et quatrieme parties.) Revised
and enlarged. With Notes by G. Masson, B.A. and G. W. Prothero, M.A. 2s.

Dix Annies d'Exil. Livre II. Chapitres 1—8.

By the same Editors. New Edition, enlarged. 2s.

Lemercier. Fredegonde et Brunehaut. A Tragedy in Five

Acts. By GusTAVE Masson, B.A. 2j.

Moli^re. Le Bourgeois Gentilhomme, Comddie-Ballet en

Cinq Actes. (1670.) By Rev. A. C. Clapin, M.A. is. 6d.

L'Ecole des Femmes. With Introduction and Notes by

G. Saintsbury, M.A. 2s. 6d.

Piron. La M^tromanie. A Comedy, with Notes, by G.

Masson, B.A. 2s.

Sainte-Beuve. M. Daru (Causeries du Lundi, Vol. IX.).

By G. Masson, B.A. 2s.

Saintine. Picciola. With Introduction, Notes and Map. By

Rev. A. C. Clapin, M.A. 2s.

Scribe and Legouv^. Bataille de Dames. Edited by Rev.

H. A. Bull, M.A. 2s.

Scribe. Le Verre d'Eau. A Comedy; with Memoir, Gram-
matical and Historical Notes. Edited by C. Colbeck, M.A. 2s.

Sedaine. Le Philosophe sans le savoir. Edited with Notes

by Rev. H. A. Bull, M.A., late Master at Wellington College. 2s.

London: Cambridge Warehouse, Ave Maria Lane.

PUBLICATIONS OF

Thierry. Lettres sur I'histoire de France (XIIL— XXIV).

By G. Masson, B.A. and G. W. Prothero, M.A. 7.s. 6d.

R^cits des Temps M^rovingiens I— III. Edited by

Gust AVE Masson, B.A. Univ. Gallic, and A. R. Ropes, M.A. With Map. 35.

Villemain. Lascaris ou Les Grecs du XVe Si^cle, Nouvelle

Historique. By G. Masson, B.A. zs.

Voltaire. Histoire du Si^cle de Louis XIV. Chaps. I.—

XIII. Edited with Notes by G. Masson, B.A. and G. W. Prothero, M.A.
25. 6d.

Part II. Chaps. XIV— XXIV. By the same Editors.

With Three Maps. zs. 6d.

Part III. Chaps. XXV. to end. By the same Editors.

2S. 6d.

Xavier de Maistre. La Jeune Siherienne. Le L^preux de

la Cit^ D'Aoste. By G. Masson, B.A. 2s.

IV. GERMAN.

Ballads on German History. Arranged and annotated by

WiLHELM Wagner, Ph.D. 2s.

Benedix. Doctor Wespe. Lustspiel in funf Aufziigen. Edited

with Notes by Karl Hermann Breul, M.A. 3^.

Freytag. Der Staat Friedrichs des Grossen. With Notes.

By WiLHELM Wagner, Ph.D. 2^.

German Dactylic Poetry. Arranged and annotated by

WiLHELM Wagner, Ph.D. 2s.

Goethe's Knahenjahre. (i749— 1759-) Arranged and anno-
tated by WiLHELM Wagner, Ph.D. 2s.

Hermann und Dorothea. By Wilhelm Wagner,

Ph.D. Revised edition by J. W. Cartmell, M.A. 3^. 6d.

Gutzkow. Zopf und Schwert. Lustspiel in fiinf Aufziigen.

By H. J. Wolstenholme, B.A. (Lend.), ^s. 6d.

Hauff. Das Wirthshaus im Spessart. By A. Schlottmann,

Ph.D. 3s.6d.

Hauff. Die Karavane. Edited with Notes by A. Schlott-
mann, Ph.D. 3,y. 6d.

Immermann. Der Oberhof. A tale of Westphalian Life, by

WiLHELM Wagner, Ph.D. 2^.

Kohlrausch. Das Jahr 1 8 1 3. With English Notes by Wilhelm

Wagner, Ph.D. 2^.

Lessing and Gellert. Selected Fables. Edited with Notes

by Karl Hermann Breul, M.A., Lecturer in German at the University of
Cambridge. 3^.

London: Cambridge Warehouse, Ave Maria Lane.

THE CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS. 5
Mendelssohn's Letters. Selections from. Edited by James

SiME, M.A. 3^.

Raumer. Der erste Kreuzzug (1095— 1099). By Wilhelm

Wagner, Ph.D. 3^.

Riehl. Culturgeschichtliche Novellen. Edited by H. J.

WoLSTENHOLME, B.A. (Lond.)- 4^. 6</.

Uhland. Ernst, Herzog von Schwaben. With Introduction

and Notes. By the same Editor. 3^. bd.

V. ENGLISH.

Ancient Philosophy from Thales to Cicero, A Sketch of. By

Joseph B. Mayor, M.A. sj. dd.

Bacon's History of the Reign of King Henry VII. With

Notes by the Rev. Professor Lumby, D.D. 3J.

Cowley's Essays. With Introduction and Notes, by the Rev.

Professor Lumby, D.D. 4J.

More's History of King Richard HI. Edited with Notes,

Glossary, Index of Names. By J. Rawson Lumby, D.D. 35. 6d.

More's Utopia. With Notes, by Rev. Prof. Lumby, D.D. 3^-.
The Two Noble Kinsmen, edited with Introduction and Notes,

by the Rev. Professor Skeat, Litt.D. 3J. 6d.

VI. EDUCATIONAL SCIENCE.

Comenius, John Amos, Bishop of the Moravians. His Life

and Educational Works, by S. S. Laurie, A.M., F.R.S.E. New Edition,
revised. 3J. 6rf.

Education, Three Lectures on the Practice of. DeHvered

under the direction of the Teachers' Training Syndicate. 2^.

Locke on Education. With Introduction and Notes by the

Rev. R. H. Quick, M.A. 3^. td.

Milton's Tractate on Education. A facsimile reprint from

the Edition of 1673. Edited, with Introduction and Notes, by Oscar
Browning, M.A. 7.s.

Modern Languages, Lectures on the Teaching of. By C.

COLBECK, M.A. IS.

Teacher, General aims of the, and Form Management. Two

Lectures delivered in the University of Cambridge in the Lent Term, 1883, by
F. W. Farrar, D.D. and R. B. Poole, B.D. \s. 6d.

Teaching, Theory and Practice of. By the Rev. E. Thring,

M.A., late Head Master of Uppingham School. New Edition. 4J. 6d,

Other Volumes are in preparatioii.

London: Cambridge Warehouse^ Ave Maria Lane,

PUBLICATIONS OF

%%t CamiriUse SStftle for
^tfjools anH Colleses.

General Editor : J. J. S. PEROWNE, D.D.,
Dean of Peterborough.

"It is difficult to commend too highly this excellent series, the
volumes of which are now becoming numerous." — Guardian.

"The modesty of the general title of this series has, we believe,
led many to misunderstand its character and underrate its value. The
books are well suited for study in the upper forms of our best schools,
but not the less are they adapted to the wants of all Bible students
who are not specialists. We doubt, indeed, whether any of the
numerous popular commentaries recently issued in this country will be
found more serviceable for general use." — Acadetny.

"Of great value. The whole series of comments for schools is
highly esteemed by students capable of forming a judgment. The
books are scholarly without being pretentious: information is so given
as to be easily understood." — Sword and Trowel.

NOW READY. Cloth, Extra Fcap. ^vo.
Book of Joshua. By Rev. G. F. Maclear, D.D. With

Maps. 2J. 6d.

Book of Judges. By Rev. J. J. Lias, M.A.. y. 6d.

First Book of Samuel. By Rev. Prof. Kirkpatrick, M.A.

With Map. 3.?. 6d.

Second Book of Samuel. By Rev. Prof. Kirkpatrick, M.A.

With 2 Maps. 3J, 6d.

First Book of Kings. By Rev. Prof. Lumby, D.D. With

3 Maps. 3 J. 6d.

Second Book of Kings. By Rev. Prof. Lumby, D.D. With

3 Maps. 35. 6d.

Book of Job. By Rev. A. B. Davidson, D.D. $s.
Book of Ecclesiastes. By Very Rev. E. H. Plumptre, D.D. 5^.
Book of Jeremiah. By Rev. A. W. Streane, M.A. 4^. 6d.
Book of Hosea. By Rev. T. K. Cheyne, M.A., D.D. y.

' Lo72don : Cambridge Warehouse^ Ave Maria Lane.

THE CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS.

Books of Obadiah and Jonah. By Arch. Perowne. is. 6d.
Book of Micah. By Rev. T. K. Cheyne, M.A., D.D. is. 6d.
Books of Haggai and Zechariah. By Arch. Perowne. sj.
Gospel according to St Matthew. By Rev. A. Carr, M.A.

With 2 Maps. 2s. 6d.

Gospel according to St Mark. By Rev. G. F. Maclear,

D.D. With 4 Maps. zs. 6d.

Gospel according to St Luke. By Archdeacon Farrar.

With 4 Maps. ^s. td.

Gospel according to St John. By Rev. A. Plummer, M.A.,

D.D. With 4 Maps. i,s. 6d.

Acts of the Apostles. By Rev. Professor Lumby, D.D.

With 4 Maps. 4^. 6d.

Epistle to the Romans. Rev, H. C. G. Moule, M.A. 3^. 6d.
First Corinthians. By Rev. J. J. Lias, M.A. With Map. 2s.
Second Corinthians. By Rev. J. J. Lias, M.A. With Map. 2s.
Epistle to the Ephesians. By Rev. H. C. G. Moule, M.A.

2S. 6d.

Epistle to the Hebrews. By Arch. Farrar, D.D. 3^. 6d.
General Epistle of St James. By Very Rev. E. H. Plumptre,

D.D. IS. 6d.

Epistles of St Peter and St Jude. By Very Rev. E. H.

Plumptre, D.D. 25. 6d.

Epistles of St John. By Rev. A. Plummer, M.A., D.D. 3J. 6d.

Preparing.

Book of Genesis. By Very Rev. the Dean of Peterborough.
Books of Exodus, Numbers and Deuteronomy. By Rev.

C. D. GiNSBURG, LL.D,

Books of Ezra and Nehemiah. By Rev. Prof. Ryle, M.A.
Book of Psalms. By Rev. Prof. Kirkpatrick, M.A.
Book of Isaiah. By W. Robertson Smith, ALA.
Book of Ezekiel. By Rev. A. B. Davidson, D.D.
Epistle to the Galatians. By Rev. E. H. Perowne, D.D.
Epistles to the Philippians, Colossians and Philemon. By

Rev. H. C. G. Moule, M.A.

Epistles to the Thessalonians. By Rev. W. F. Moulton, D.D.
Book of Revelation. By Rev. W. H. Simcox, M.A.

LoJidon: Cambridge Warehouse, Ave Maria Lane.

8 PUBLICATIONS OF THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.

%\^t Camftritrge (greefe Ces^taimnt Cor
^rfioijfe anir Colleges;,

with a Revised Text, based on the most recent critical authorities, and
English Notes, prepared under the direction of the General Editor,

J. J. S. PEROWNE, D.D., Dean of Peterborough.
Gospel according to St Matthew. By Rev. A. Carr, M.A.

With 4 Maps. i,s. 6d.

Gospel according to St Mark. By Rev. G. F. Maclear, D.D.

With 3 Maps. ^. 6d.

Gospel according to St Luke. By Archdeacon Farrar.

With 4 Maps. 6s.

Gospel according to St John. By Rev. A. Plummer, M.A.

With 4 Maps. dr.

Acts of the Apostles. By Rev. Professor Lumby, D.D.

With 4 Maps. 6s.

First Epistle to the Corinthians. By Rev. J. J. Lias, M.A. 3^.
Second Epistle to the Corinthians. By Rev. J. J. Lias, M.A.

\_PreJ>arin^.

Epistle to the Hebrews. By Archdeacon Farrar, D.D.

[In the Press.

Epistle of St James. By Very Rev. E. H. Plumptre, D.D.

\jPrej>aring.

Epistles of St John. By Rev. A. Plummer, M.A., D.D. 4?.

SonDon: C. J. CLAY and SONS,

CAMBRIDGE WAREHOUSE, AVE MARIA LANE.

ffilasgoto: 263, ARGYLE STREET.

Cramlititifie: DEIGHTON, BELL AND CO.

Hetpjifl: F. A. BROCKHAUS.

Cambridge: printed by c. j. clay, m.a. and sons, at the university press.

r

DATE DUE

/-if n /^,

.-

'■^1 ^

FFR 1

1 ^

GAYLORD

PRINTEDINU.S.A.

»#»?

BS1325,K59c\,Sa.uer.«.l^-»'',^',